Military Review

Black October 1993. Twenty-two years to shoot the House of Soviets

46
Twenty-two years ago, in September – October 1993, Russia was actually on the verge of a civil war. Confrontation of the legislative power represented by the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation and the executive power represented by President B.N. Yeltsin ended in an armed conflict in the center of Moscow, the shooting of the House of Soviets from tanks, the dissolution of the Supreme Council of the country and the adoption of the new Constitution. In fact, it was in September – October 1993. and the country underwent a radical transition to a new model of governance, a political organization, which, with certain changes, remains until the present. So far, the events of twenty-two years ago, about which young people are poorly informed (which is not surprising - children born five years later than “bloody October” will become adults next year, cause mixed opinions among politicians, historians, publicists and journalists, ordinary people Russian citizens. Largely related to the events of September - October 1993 it is still determined by political sympathies - to the left-patriotic, statist camp of domestic politics, or to the liberal (then called "democratic") forces. Today, after more than two decades, we can not only recall those events, but also evaluate their consequences. But first - still it should be recalled what exactly happened in September - early October 1993 in Moscow. On September 21, 1993, Boris Yeltsin issued Decree No. 1400, On Phased Constitutional Reform in the Russian Federation. On the evening of the same day - at about 20.00 p.m. on September 21, 1993 - this decree was voiced in a television address by Boris Yeltsin to citizens of the Russian Federation. The essence of the decree was to dissolve the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation and terminate the powers of people's deputies of the Russian Federation. Thus, the activities of the organs of Soviet power on the territory of the Russian Federation officially ceased. In the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, the majority were political forces opposed to Yeltsin - the Russian Unity bloc, which included representatives of the Communist Party, the Fatherland faction, the Agrarian Union, and the Russia deputy group. The existence of the opposition Supreme Council of the Russian Federation created serious obstacles for the Yeltsin government in further market reforms.


Black October 1993. Twenty-two years to shoot the House of Soviets


Yeltsin's decree and the reaction of the Supreme Council

Naturally, the decision to dissolve the Supreme Council, which the opposition forces were aware of in advance, was extremely negatively received by the majority of the people's deputies, regardless of their political convictions. On the performance of Yeltsin, the deputies responded instantly. After 30 minutes after the president’s address on television, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, Ruslan Khasbulatov, spoke. He defined the actions of Yeltsin from the point of view of deputies of the Supreme Council - “coup d'etat”. Two hours after the President’s televised address, an emergency meeting of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation was held at 22.00, which adopted a Resolution “On the Immediate Termination of the Powers of the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin. At about the same time, at an emergency meeting of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, which was chaired by Valery Zorkin, it was decided that a presidential decree violated the current Constitution of the Russian Federation and was the basis for B.N. Yeltsin from the post of President of the Russian Federation. When in the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation it became known about the conclusion issued by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the deputies adopted a resolution on entrusting the duties of the president of the country to the current vice-president of the Russian Federation, Alexander Rutsky. So began the political crisis, which gradually grew into a direct confrontation between the legislative and executive authorities. Boris Yeltsin’s side was favored by liberal-oriented political parties that supported further market reforms in the country, as well as the majority of those who won in the reform process — the newly-minted Russian bourgeoisie, part of the creative intelligentsia, and well-paid employees of commercial firms.

At the same time, a considerable part of the workers and employees, especially in the provinces, spread sympathy for the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and for the communist and national-patriotic parties that supported its position. The liberal media dubbed the bloc of supporters of a strong social state "red-brown", hinting at the tactical association of communists and nationalists. On the side of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation there were also sympathies of many personnel officers and law enforcement officers. Deputies of the Supreme Council decided to organize the defense of the House of Soviets and the formation of the Defense Headquarters. The Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation appealed to deputies, servicemen of the Russian Army, employees of the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, and all citizens of the Russian Federation to prevent a coup d'état. Already in 20.45 minutes, less than an hour after B.N. Yeltsin and the Supreme Council’s response, before the White House, as the building of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation was called, Muscovites began to gather. A spontaneous indefinite rally began, in which the main role was played by activists of various political parties and socio-political organizations. In 22.00, Moscow police officers cordoned off the Moscow City Hall building. The building of the Parliamentary Center was also blocked. In the meantime, the White House was building barricades. People have not yet forgotten the experience of two years ago, when in August 1991 were also built barricades - not only by the Communists, but by supporters of democratic reforms. Two years later, the parties switched places. An emergency session of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation opened in 00.00 hours, which lasted intermittently until 19 hours.

Approval of Rutskoi Acting the president. Rallies and volunteers

Already in 00.17, the Supreme Council adopted a resolution on the termination of the authority of the President of the Russian Federation Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin from 20 hours 00 minutes 21 September 1993 and on the transfer of powers of the President to the Vice-President of the Russian Federation Rutsky Alexander Vladimirovich. A.V. Rutsky was immediately canceled Yeltsin's decree on the dissolution of the Supreme Council.

- Vice President Alexander Rutskoi and Chairman of the Supreme Council Ruslan Khasbulatov. Photo: T.Kuzmina (ITAR-TASS)

After that, the Supreme Council adopted resolutions on new appointments to the most important posts in the security agencies of the country. Colonel-General Vladislav Achalov was appointed Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation, Army General Viktor Barannikov was appointed Minister of Security, Lieutenant-General Andrei Dunayev was Acting Minister of the Interior. Colonel-General Vladislav Achalov (1945-2011) in 1989-1990 commanded the Airborne Forces, then until September 1991 served as Deputy Minister of Defense of the USSR, and later was dismissed. General Achalov was also known as one of the leaders of the people's patriotic opposition, who did not hide his political views. At the material time he was a people's deputy of the USSR. Army General Viktor Barannikov (1940-1995), on the contrary, until the events of September-October 1993 was a supporter of Yeltsin and the transformations he was conducting. During the August events in 1991, Mr. Barannikov, who was then Minister of the Interior of the RSFSR, participated in organizing the resistance of the Emergency Committee and the arrest of one of the leaders of the Emergency Committee Marshal of the Soviet Union, Dmitry Yazov. In December, 1991 Barannikov was appointed Minister of Security and Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation (after the KGB was dissolved, the country's security forces underwent numerous transformations, one of which was their temporary merger with the internal affairs bodies in a single ministry). Then Barannikov headed the Federal Security Agency, and after nine days - January 24 1992 - created on its basis, the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation. However, on July 27, 1993, General Barannikov was dismissed "for violating ethical standards, as well as for serious shortcomings in the work, including the leadership of the border troops." Apparently, the dismissal, unfair from his point of view, was one of the reasons that motivated yesterday’s Yeltsin minister to support the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and to agree with the proposal to head the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation. Lieutenant General Andrei Dunaev (born 1939), like Barannikov, participated in the August events of 1991 on the side of the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin. At that time, he served as Deputy Minister of the Interior of the RSFSR, participated in the arrest of Marshal of the Soviet Union Dmitry Yazov and in the return of Mikhail Gorbachev from Foros. In April, 1992 Dunayev was appointed first deputy minister of internal affairs of the Russian Federation Viktor Erin, but on July 22 1993 was dismissed for the same reasons as Barannikov.

By 10 hours of the morning 22 September about 1,500 people gathered at the House of Soviets, with the number of supporters of the Supreme Council growing every hour and in the second half of the day several thousand people were already here. Simultaneously, the delimitation of the branches of power occurred at the city level. The session of the Moscow City Council assessed Yeltsin’s actions as unconstitutional, and his decree as having no legal force. At the same time, the Moscow government, headed by Mayor Yury Luzhkov, supported the actions of the country's president and issued a statement. In the meantime, telephone communications and later electricity were disconnected in the building of the Supreme Council. There was a question about the organization of the protection of the "White House". The forces of the Security Department, which was subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, and in operational terms, to the First Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council, Y. Voronin, were clearly not enough. After all, in the House of Soviets only 150 policemen carried the guard service. Another 40 person worked in the security department, which ensured the safety of the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, Ruslan Khasbulatov. In order to ensure the protection of the House of Soviets from among the citizens gathered outside the building, the formation of volunteer divisions began, in which people with military and civilian backgrounds, including activists of public and political organizations and not caring Muscovites and guests of the capital, who supported the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation. Vladislav Achalov, who took the post of Minister of Defense, issued an order to issue firearms to volunteers recruited into the security units of the House of Soviets weapons in the amount of 74 AKS-74U machine gun, 7 pistols, 9600 ammunition for AKS-74U, 112 pistol ammunition. Since Alexander Rutskoi did not trust the Security Department of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, he ordered Vladislav Achalov to form a motorized rifle regiment from among the reservists of the city of Moscow by the 10 o'clock in the morning of September 25 to protect the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation. At the same time, Alexander Bovt, Director of the Security Department of the Supreme Council, received an order to issue automatic small arms according to the staffing of the motorized rifle regiment.



In the meantime, the building of the House of Soviets was blocked by the forces of the Moscow police, the riot police and the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation arriving to it. The task before the servicemen of the internal troops and the police officers was not to let anyone into the House of Soviets, but to release people from the House of Soviets. By this time there were about 2000 people in the building of the House of Soviets. The Moscow Directorate of Internal Affairs approved the Operational Action Plan, according to which people’s access to the House of Soviets was completely stopped. The streets adjacent to the building were blocked by barricades of watering machines and barbed wire that were set one behind the other. Directly in front of the barriers put two rows of a cordon of police officers and soldiers of the Interior Ministry troops. Three water cannons aimed at the city were also installed - in case of attempts to break through to the building of the House of Soviets of demonstrators from among opposition-minded citizens. From 8 on the morning of September 28, opposite the police cordon, people began to gather in support of A.V. Rutskoi and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation. As the number of people grew, the situation became tense. So, in 18.45 in the lane area. Konyushkovsky, a group of about 1,000 people made an attempt to break through the cordon, but after a collision with police officers, was scattered. Fifteen minutes later, there was a clash between supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the police in the vicinity of the Barrikadnaya metro station. The next day, the protesters repeatedly attempted to break through to the building of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation.

Attempts to resolve the situation

The President of the Russian Federation, Boris Yeltsin, and the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, Viktor Chernomyrdin, addressed Alexander Rutsky and Ruslan Khasbulatov, demanding to 4 October 1993 in withdraw from the House of Soviets of Deputies and supporters and hand over the weapons at their disposal. This offer was rejected. On the night of September 30 on October 1 1993 Negotiations were held at the Mir Hotel between representatives of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and President Yeltsin. As a result of these negotiations, a decision was made on 1 on October 1993. collect and store non-standard weapons located on the territory of the House of Soviets, under the control of joint groups of representatives of both parties to the conflict. Also, the Supreme Council went to reduce the number of external guards of the House of Soviets, and Yeltsin, in response, allowed to include electricity and heat supply of the parliament building. After the implementation of these points of the agreement, the parties had to proceed with the removal of the external protection of the House of Soviets by the Moscow police and withdraw all security units established at the end of September by order of Rutskoi from the building. After that, it was supposed to proceed to further harmonization of legal and political guarantees. Light and heating in the "White House" were really soon turned on. However, at 6 in the morning of October 1, the Military Council of the Defense of the House of Soviets of the Russian Federation considered the signing of an agreement with representatives of Yeltsin, carried out by Abdulatipov and Sokolov, as erroneous. The actions of Abdulatipov and Sokolov were regarded as abuse of authority, and Protocol No. 1 was canceled. After this decision, the electricity in the House of Soviets was again cut off, and four columns of armored vehicles of the Special Purpose Motorized Rifle Division (the “Dzerzhinsky Division”) advanced to the building. In addition, it became known about the upcoming arrest of 164 defense leaders of the House of Soviets, people's deputies and politicians immediately after the seizure of the building. New negotiations began in 10.30 - this time in the St. Daniel Monastery, with the mediation of His Holiness Patriarch Alexy II of Moscow and All Russia. They signed a program of measures to normalize the situation, which included the mutual provision of information about planned actions, the composition of the armed forces and armaments, the organization of joint protection of weapons storage sites, the establishment of a regime for passing citizens to the House of Soviets. However, October 2 A.V. Rutskoi issued a Decree “On the Presidium of the Council of Ministers - the Government of the Russian Federation”, according to which he dismissed Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, his first deputy Yegor Gaidar and a number of other ministers. In the afternoon of October 2, a rally of supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation began, harshly dispersed by the police, at the Foreign Ministry building. The demonstrators built a barricade on the Garden Ring, blocking the movement. The police did not manage to disperse the defenders of the barricades and destroy the barricade itself, so the Moscow GUVD leadership reached an agreement with the demonstrators that they would leave the Garden Ring in 23 hours without meeting the police’s attempts to detain them. However, in reality, the demonstrators in an organized column left the barricade even earlier - at 21 an hour, headed by the well-known politician, leader of the Front of National Salvation, Ilya Konstantinov. The next day, October 3 1993, the situation around the White House continued to heat up. By 12.00, an opposition rally began on October Square, organized by the National Salvation Front of Ilya Konstantinov. The activists of the communist movement “Labor Russia”, led by Viktor Anpilov, who were present at the rally, gathered to go to the building of the House of Soviets. At about the same time, in the building of the Moscow city headquarters of the people's guards on ul. Tver, 8 gathered members of the Union of Cossack officers, the Union of veterans of the war in Afghanistan and other organizations that formed the Defense Headquarters of the Moscow City Council. In 13.20, representatives of Viktor Anpilov met with Alexander Rutsky and informed the latter that the rally could no longer be canceled.

Rally on October Square and the Ostankino assault

By 14.00 hours, at which the beginning of the rally was scheduled, October Square was cordoned off by police. At the suggestion of Anpilov, some of the protesters, numbering several thousand people, moved towards the House of Soviets of the Russian Federation. Police officers and internal troops stopped the convoy of demonstrators and began to retreat. Gradually, the retreat became almost a flight - many policemen and soldiers threw batons and shields. Part of the equipment of law enforcement officers was captured by demonstrators. In 14.35, General Pankratov, head of the Moscow police department, ordered to send a reserve of 350 troops to the Zubovskaya Square. However, the arrived reserve after 5-7 minutes was swept away by the demonstrators, and the 10 vehicles captured by the troops arrived. 15.20 advanced groups of demonstrators approached the building of the Moscow City Hall. The cordon of police and internal troops was scattered here. The leadership issued an order to policemen and riot policemen to open fire with pistols and machine guns. Above the heads was given a line of large-caliber machine gun BTR. Demonstrators began to flee, pursued by police officers who used special means against them. Meanwhile, a group of members of the “Russian National Unity” numbering 15 people came out of the Supreme Council building to the sounds of shooting in the city hall, joined by three guards Colonel General Albert Makashov, a well-known leader of the patriotic opposition appointed by Rutsky deputy defense minister Vladislav Achalov. After the defenders of the House of Soviets launched a counterattack by the mayor’s office with a weapon, a panic broke out among the policemen guarding the mayor’s office. For half an hour, the demonstrators, led by General Makashov, seized the building of the Moscow mayor's office. The military and police officers who defended the mayor's office began to surrender. Some of them were detained and taken to the building of the House of Soviets, others were released. In addition, the demonstrators also detained several senior officials of the Moscow government, dissolved by order of the acting. President Alexander Rutskoi. The riot police and a unit of internal troops, retreating from the city hall building, threw military ZIL-131 trucks with keys in the ignition locks and one grenade launcher. The streets of Moscow were actually in the hands of the demonstrators. The latter took possession of 10-15 military trucks and 4 armored personnel carriers. Under the leadership of General Makashov and the leader of "Labor Russia" Anpilov, the demonstrators moved to the building of a television center in Ostankino. Some of the demonstrators drove in the captured trucks, General Albert Makashov with guards, Ilya Konstantinov, leader of the National Salvation Front, and Viktor Anpilov, leader of Labor Russia, followed the convoy in cars. For the defense of Ostankino from a possible attack by demonstrators, the commander of the Interior Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, General Anatoly Kulikov, sent 84 troops to the Sofrinsky Air Force Brigade without firearms. In addition, 105 military personnel of the special forces of the Vityaz Interior Ministry, who were armed with light machine guns, machine guns, grenade launchers, sniper rifles and moved on 6 armored personnel carriers, arrived at the television center. They took a circular defense. To the aid of the Vityaz and the Sofrinsky brigade, 23 arrived from an employee of the 3 department of the Security Department, armed with pistols and an 1 machine gun.

- Colonel General Albert Makashov and Viktor Anpilov

The demonstrators demanded that the Ostankino leadership provide live broadcasts. Makashov entered into negotiations with the leadership of the Security Directorate, but the leaders of the television center did not come to the general. But delaying the time allowed an officer of the riot police of the Moscow police department to arrive in Ostankino 31 on a vehicle. Riot policemen also had firearms with them - 27 machine guns and 3 pistols. At the same time, a rally of Yeltsin's supporters began at the Moscow mayor's office, at which Valeria Novodvorskaya, Lev Ponomarev and other democrats spoke, calling for the creation of people's guards to counter the "red-brown". While there was a rally on Tverskoy, and Makashov and his comrades unsuccessfully tried to penetrate the Telecentre building, additional reinforcement arrived in Ostankino - 111 soldiers and officers of the Sofrinsky brigade of the MVD, led by the brigade commander Colonel V.A. Vasiliev and deputy commander of the internal troops for personnel, Lieutenant-General Pavel Golubets. The situation was tense near the television center, especially since a grenade launcher was in the hands of the demonstrators. After a shot rang out from the side of the TV building, as a result of which Nikolai Krestinin, a bodyguard of Makashov, was wounded, two explosions were heard at the broken doors of the building. They killed the fighter of the “Vityaz” detachment, Private Nikolay Sitnikov. What these explosions were, is still unknown. Most of the media share the point of view of a grenade launcher shot, but the investigative team investigating the incident did not find any traces of a grenade launcher shot. Therefore, a version was put forward that the explosion could have been carried out on purpose — in order to provoke servicemen to retaliate against the protesters. After an explosion was sounded, as a result of which Private Sitnikov was killed, special forces and armored personnel carriers opened fire on the demonstrators gathered outside the building. At least 46 people died. 20 .00 reinforcements arrived in Ostankino - another 58 servicemen of the Vityaz special forces on 3 armored personnel carriers armed with 52 machine guns, 6 machine guns and 3 grenade launchers. In addition to the Vityaz fighters, the 100 servicemen of one of the operational units of the internal troops arrived at the telecentre on ten armored personnel carriers. There was practically no firing back at the building and its defenders from the demonstrators who had arrived under the leadership of Makashov, with the exception of a few single shots from the crowd.

State of emergency in Moscow. Assault plan

Meanwhile, back in 16.00, President Boris Yeltsin signed a decree imposing a state of emergency in Moscow. Russian Defense Minister General Pavel Grachev contacted by telephone with the commander of the Taman Motorized Rifle Division stationed in Moscow, Major General Valery Yevnevich, informing him that riots were taking place in the capital and the police could not cope. Grachev ordered his subordinate to bring parts of the division into combat readiness and, at the first order, advance to the building of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and take it under protection. Yegor Gaidar phoned the Chairman of the State Committee for Emergency Situations, Major-General Sergei Shoigu, and ordered to prepare from the warehouses of the civil defense troops a thousand assault rifles to distribute to Yeltsin's supporters in the event of a further exacerbation of the situation. The building of the Moscow City Council, where Yeltsin's supporters gathered, was rally the whole evening on October 3. Speaking at it Konstantin Borovoy demanded to distribute weapons to citizens and begin the formation of the national teams. In the last 2,5 thousands of Yeltsin supporters signed up - reserve officers and ensigns. In addition, it was supposed to equip with small arms employees of private security companies controlled by businessmen - supporters of Boris Yeltsin. By 22.00, Boris Yeltsin, who held a meeting of the heads of law enforcement agencies, ordered the Minister of Defense, General Grachev, the Minister of Internal Affairs, General Yerin, and the Kremlin commandant, General Barsukov, to prepare for a possible assault on the House of Soviets.

Alexander Korzhakov, who at that time headed the Presidential Security Service of the Russian Federation, recalls: “Yeltsin asked:“ What shall we do next? ” There was a dead silence. Everyone lowered their eyes. The president repeated the question: - How will we deal with them further, how will we smoke them? Silence again. Then I could not stand it: - Allow me, Boris Nikolayevich, to make a proposal. He raised his eyebrows in question, but allowed to speak. I continued: - Boris Nikolayevich, we have a concrete plan. Here is my deputy, the captain of the first rank Zakharov. He can report in detail how to take the White House. Please listen to him ”(quoted by A. Korzhakov, V. Boris Yeltsin: From Dawn to Dusk // https://www.litmir.co/br/?b=78738&p=41). Captain 1 rank Gennady Ivanovich Zakharov (1940-2012) is a legend of the Soviet and Russian special forces, until 1990 he commanded a squad of divers scouting Baltic and Northern fleets, and after retiring from the Navy he was accepted into the Security Service of the President of the Russian Federation, where he became an assistant its leader Alexander Korzhakov. Zakharov requested ten tanks in order for the tanks to fire several volleys with the aim of psychological influence on the defenders of the White House. After that, according to the expert, the special forces were to take over. However, according to the memoirs of General Korzhakov, in the presence of tanks faced with a shortage of experienced tankers. I had to recruit volunteer officers. In 22.10, parts of the Taman, Kantemirovskaya and Tula divisions entered Moscow. The troops took under the protection of the building of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and the Kremlin. On the night of October 4, Yeltsin's supporters, who formed the people's squads, began to seize the premises of opposition newspapers, including Soviet Russia, Den, etc. In 04.20, the advancement of military units to the House of Soviets began. During the night, in the center of Moscow, firefights periodically flared up between supporters of the Supreme Council and military personnel, as well as clashes between military personnel of various units, resulting from inconsistent actions between the command of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense. By 6 in the morning, servicemen from the Taman motorized rifle, Kantemirovsky tank, Tula airborne divisions, special purpose divisions of the MVD and 119 paratrooper regiment, the Smolensk OMON fighters who also came to the aid of the Moscow militia were concentrated in the vicinity of the House of Soviets. In addition to military personnel and police officers, 100 members of the Union of Afghan Veterans arrived to assault the House of Soviets, who also received weapons according to the orders of the Deputy Defense Minister, General Kondratiev.



Assault on the House of Soviets and its aftermath

In 07.30 4 in October 1993, an operation began to seize the House of Soviets. The BMP and BTR opened direct fire on the Supreme Soviet building. In 08.35, paratroopers of the Tula division marched toward the building under cover of fire from an armored personnel carrier and infantry fighting vehicles. Boris Yeltsin spoke on television on 09.00, announcing the introduction of troops to Moscow and the initiation of criminal proceedings against the leaders of the "coup" to which he referred to the leaders of the Supreme Soviet. To 09.15, the building of the House of Soviets was completely surrounded by military units. In 09.30, tanks launched the shelling of the House of Soviets. In total, 6 tanks that fired 12 shells participated in the shelling. In 09.40, helicopters appeared over the building of the House of Soviets. In 10.38, Alexander Rutskoi ordered his supporters not to shoot and not resist the soldiers storming the building. But the gradual withdrawal of the defenders of the House of Soviets began only in 12.30. In 14.45, the President of Kalmykia, Kirsan Ilyumzhinov, and the President of Ingushetia, Ruslan Aushev, under the white flag, were able to enter the building of the House of Soviets for a meeting with Alexander Rutsky and Ruslan Khasbulatov. Aushev and Ilyumzhinov succeeded in removing 12 women and 1 children from the building. To 15.00, trucks carrying soldiers of the internal troops arrived at the House of Soviets. The order for the storming of the House of Soviets was given to the special divisions of the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation "Alpha" and "Vympel". However, the Vympel fighters refused to storm the parliament, for which the detachment fell out of favor with the president and was soon transferred to the Ministry of the Interior, after which many of the officers of the unit resigned. In 16: 00, a man entered the building of the House of Soviets who introduced himself as a fighter of the “A” group (“Alpha”). He offered to come with him, promising protection. With the Alpha player, the House of Soviets left its defenders near 100.

17.00 left another 500 man out of the building of the House of Soviets, including the well-known patriotic figure MP Sergei Baburin. Alexander Rutskoi and Ruslan Khasbulatov were arrested in 19.01, after which they were escorted to the Lefortovo detention center, accompanied by Airborne Troops and members of the Presidential Security Service. People’s Deputy Sergei Baburin was also arrested in 19.05. In 19.30, Andrei Dunaev, Viktor Barannikov and Vladislav Achalov were arrested. At the same time, the Alfa group fighters evacuated the remaining 1700 people from the building of the House of Soviets - people's deputies, supporters of the Supreme Council, members of the staff of the Supreme Council, journalists. During the night and morning of October 5, clashes with the use of firearms continued in Moscow, as a result of which people died. Thus, unknown persons attempted an attack on the ITAR-TASS building, but were pushed aside by riot police. Also, an armored troop-carrier grenade launcher was shot down in which the commander of an armored vehicle burned alive.

After the shooting of the House of Soviets and the suppression of popular speech, a criminal case was opened against the key figures of the events of September - October 1993 by the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation. Russian Vice President Alexander Rutskoi, Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation Ruslan Khasbulatov, Defense Minister Vladislav Achalov appointed by the Supreme Council, Security Minister Viktor Barannikov, Interior Minister Andrei Dunayev, Deputy Defense Minister Albert Makashov, leader of the Russian National Unity Alexander Barkashov, Yevgeny Shtukaturov, head of security of General Makashov, Viktor Anpilov, leader of the Labor Russia movement, and a number of other political activists. However, 23 February 1994, the State Duma of the Russian Federation announced a political amnesty to the participants of the events of September - October 1993, after which they were all released from the Lefortovo detention center, despite some attempts at opposition from the presidential administration. Subsequently, Alexander Rutskoi even became governor of the Kursk region. Many of the political and state figures, whose names then, in the autumn of 1993, were on the lips of the whole country, are no longer alive. Among them are Boris Yeltsin and Yegor Gaidar, Viktor Chernomyrdin and Pavel Grachev. On the other hand, some participants in the September and October events are still active in the political life of the country. First of all, this applies to the leaders of the communist and national-patriotic opposition. The fate of the rank and file participants in the defense of the House of Soviets, as well as the soldiers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense who opposed them, was lost in the political and social maelstrom of the next two decades of the existence of the post-Soviet Russian statehood.

The events of October 1993 were turning in the Russian stories. According to the well-known analyst economist Mikhail Delyagin, after the shooting of the House of Soviets in 1993, the desacralization of the Russian authorities followed, and the people were finally deprived of the real possibility of influencing power. As M. Delyagin stressed, “the organizers of the action carried out a conscious extermination of people in order to“ cut down ”and intimidate the most active layer of society, discourage the people from the very thought of influencing their own destiny. It is estimated that more official data was killed by an order of magnitude - about 1500 people ”(M. Delyagin. The shooting of the White House 1993 of the year: consequences for Russia // http://kapital-rus.ru/articles/article/179221). Indeed, it was after the events of October 1993 in the Russian Federation that the model of power “a strong president is a weak parliament” was formed, and political parties and movements that came out from radical communist and national patriotic positions were pushed aside from further participation in legislation and went into the field of "extra-parliamentary policy." The most negative consequence of the “black October” was the impunity for the deaths of hundreds, and according to some data, more than a thousand and a half, Russian citizens, among whom were very different people - military personnel, workers, teachers, pensioners, students, schoolchildren. No one was held responsible for the "slaughter" in the center of Moscow. At the same time, it should be noted that in the event of a different development of events, Russia could plunge into the abyss of a real civil war, including with a high probability of a foreign military invasion to support President Yeltsin. Therefore, the tragedy of the October 1993 events for Russian society is aggravated not only by the presence of large human victims and negative consequences for real democracy in the country, but also by the ambiguity of the possible consequences of the autumn opposition of the president and the parliament.

Photographic materials were used: https://news.mail.ru, http://www.itogi.ru/,http://imrussia.org/, photochronograph.ru.
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  1. aszzz888
    aszzz888 7 October 2015 06: 40 New
    +8
    And this is part of our story.
    I would like, I would not want, but those events happened.
    And we have no right to forget about them.
    1. vladimirZ
      vladimirZ 7 October 2015 07: 19 New
      +34
      At the same time, it should be noted that in the event of a different development of events Russia could plunge into the abyss of a real civil war, including with a high probability of a foreign military invasion to support President Yeltsin.
      - from an article by Ilya Polonsky

      US puppet Yeltsin, supported by hundreds of American agents and instructors, the Moscow comprador intelligentsia and the metropolitan philistine farce and public rot, has committed criminal offenses against the people of his country, against the state, against the Constitution, against the state system.
      And there was not a single military leader, the KGB leader, who would take the liberty to stop the state criminals led by Yeltsin.
      And as for the civil war, this is a chatter, which once again they are trying to somehow whitewash the criminal and the traitor Yeltsin. The Yeltsin clique did not have a broad social base for waging a civil war.
      1. igordok
        igordok 7 October 2015 08: 20 New
        +13
        Perhaps a photograph and a fake, but the frame is very indicative. "Date with America"
      2. Mareman Vasilich
        Mareman Vasilich 7 October 2015 09: 29 New
        +15
        Yes comrade, right. The most dangerous thing is that for those crimes that led to the collapse of the USSR, no one was shot. It was at that time that impunity arose, the terrible consequences of which we are still reaping.
        1. THE_SEAL
          THE_SEAL 7 October 2015 15: 03 New
          +10
          Boris Yeltsin must be unambiguously assessed as a traitor and a Judas of the Russian state. Let his children and grandchildren be ashamed of this drunken moron who brought so much misfortune to our country.
        2. Rastas
          Rastas 7 October 2015 19: 55 New
          +9
          Someday a true assessment of those events will be given, and the names of the dead will be carved on a monument worthy of their names. But today those events are forgotten. Indeed, if you look, the current political system is illegal and illegitimate, since Yeltsin usurped power by issuing a decree of 1400, although under the Constitution of that time he did not have the right to do so and had to be removed from office immediately.
          1. Insurgent LC
            Insurgent LC 8 October 2015 00: 43 New
            +2
            yes, the assessment will be only after the last witnesses and eyewitnesses of those events die, and especially Rutskoi who knows a lot. , what is the truth in the age of corrupt media, everyone has their own truth
        3. Sling cutter
          Sling cutter 7 October 2015 21: 20 New
          +9
          In '93, there was a real opportunity to preserve Soviet Power .... but the treachery of the ebony, who had already prepared the escape through the mattress embassy, ​​flooded the protesters with blood ... and this was only the beginning ... of the greatest tearing of 1/6 of the land .. ., we will firmly hope that everything will return.
          1. Insurgent LC
            Insurgent LC 8 October 2015 00: 49 New
            +5
            Well, as if not only the escape is the facts of shooting from the roof of the US embassy as well as the death of 2 embassy workers when the answer arrived, but something like that, it’s time to provide all the facts of the participation of US special services in the events of 1993, but this will not be partners like us we know that you know about what we know but we are silent somehow
            1. Scraptor
              Scraptor 8 October 2015 02: 56 New
              0
              Ordinary cops were shot the most.
    2. Enot-poloskun
      Enot-poloskun 7 October 2015 08: 05 New
      +9
      Recently, there was an article on VO about the participation of US special services in the October events of 1993.

      Or maybe it's time to investigate the interference of a foreign state in our affairs? And without reference to the statute of limitations.

      And further. For me, a big mystery is the non-interference of the army both in 1991 and in 1993.
      Why wasn’t they opposed Yeltsin?
      1. Rastas
        Rastas 7 October 2015 19: 44 New
        +5
        Why didn’t you speak? Yes, because the army general’s elite was thoroughly corrupt then, most of them had their own illegal business in the form of arms sales to hot spots - Chechnya, Abkhazia, Karabakh, Tajikistan, Bosnia, and Croatia. Boldyrev, who until March 93rd worked in the switchgear, made a report on large-scale thefts in the Western Group of Forces, which involved high cones in uniform. To which Yeltsin dismissed him, and the investigation was closed. So they were afraid that in the event of the fall of Yeltsin, they all could not be flavored. And they hid behind the fact that we supposedly complied with the order of the Supreme, although after the publication of decree 1400 Yeltsin ceased to be president.
    3. sherp2015
      sherp2015 7 October 2015 10: 55 New
      +11
      Quote: aszzz888
      And this is part of our story.
      I would like, I would not want, but those events happened.
      And we have no right to forget about them.


      The shooting of the legally elected parliament by the Yeltsinists, as well as the events of the collapse of the USSR in August 91, were provoked by Western intelligence agencies.
      Everything was financed by world loan sharks and traders.
      Money dragged in whatever horrible, remember the boxes from under the Xerox filled with millions of dollars

      And if you go back and see who was at the rallies in support of Yeltsin? Such "comrades" as Novodvorskaya, K. Borova I. Ponomarev ....
  2. venaya
    venaya 7 October 2015 06: 58 New
    0
    ... it was after the events of October 1993 in the Russian Federation that the model of power “a strong president - a weak parliament” took shape ...

    It is precisely this result of this tragedy of our country that was probably outlined initially. The masses were not able to dismantle at the top, and simply could not somehow influence it, no matter how much we wanted it. We can only carefully and more clearly determine these events, in no case do not forget them and draw, at least for ourselves, reasonable, relevant conclusions to reality, so as not to think for the tenth time to rely on the opposed rake.
    1. gaura
      gaura 7 October 2015 14: 20 New
      +1
      And what conclusions can there be for an ordinary person? What is better not to go to rallies so that children are not left orphans? That the tops will all change their way, but they can kill / cripple you? I made such conclusions from the history of New Russia. All the same, in the end, bandits and thieves come to power, trampling dissenters
    2. bondarencko
      bondarencko 8 October 2015 02: 02 New
      +4
      The trouble is that all the outrages in the country take place in the snickering CAPITAL, and the rest must live under its direction. Regional "elites" follow her example and also suppress and disgrace in the most shameless way. Please note that the number of bureaucrats (elites) in 140 million. Russia, has exceeded 300 million. USSR and is still multiplying. And all the shahrais and boerboels (in the lane with Latvian - a bubble) quietly continue to prosper!
      1. Scraptor
        Scraptor 8 October 2015 02: 54 New
        +2
        shakhrai, in the Great Ukrainian - a petty thief.
  3. Glot
    Glot 7 October 2015 07: 00 New
    +4
    I had one acquaintance, I worked at the White House at that moment by someone. Says they were all armed, saying that they would have to defend the house. They said they took a box of cognac in the same room, in a cupboard or somewhere else, went down to the basement, threw their weapons in the same place and sat drinking until they were arrested there. And so he fought. )))
    And I was working at that moment. Yes, everyone worked. Sometimes I looked at the telly there and what.
    It was somehow strange. In the center of the city there is a firing, people walk around, but for the most part it was all the same.
    1. alicante11
      alicante11 7 October 2015 14: 59 New
      +1
      In-in, and in the province, too, all did not care. Not a single cat moved. As if they were all zombies. Damn, it’s a pity that I didn’t live in Moscow :(, I would have run away anyway, even though my parents closed the house. Although now I understand that these traitors were there, too. There was a need to fight for the Homeland in 91 when they Union allowed to destroy, and some even helped.But then they opposed the hated EBNya.
  4. qwert
    qwert 7 October 2015 07: 02 New
    +18
    1991 year cleared the way for Yeltsin, 1993 year gave him power.
    Here it is our color revolution. And its author is probably the same department on the other side of the ocean.
  5. Riv
    Riv 7 October 2015 08: 05 New
    -9
    Cases of bygone days ... In such cases, I usually google the biographies of participants in events to start. For example, retired colonel general Makashov - where is he now? Slippers! ..

    http://belenky.livejournal.com/3397106.html

    But he, it turns out, recently filed a petition to move to Israel. Russian patriot, yeah. Surprise, however! :))) Those who wish can independently google the remaining "prisoners of conscience". I guarantee: you will find many interesting things in open sources.

    Color revolution, you say? Nu-nu ... Such a color ...
    1. V.ic
      V.ic 7 October 2015 09: 41 New
      0
      Quote: Riv
      not so long ago filed a petition to move to Israel.

      Why not immediately to London? Because not an oligarch?
      1. Riv
        Riv 7 October 2015 09: 55 New
        -1
        Well so face control did not pass. :)
        Well, why are you so surprised? This is a many glorious path. Won and Makarevich in Haifa, they say, an apartment ...
    2. qwert
      qwert 7 October 2015 11: 25 New
      0
      Quote: Riv
      But he, it turns out, recently filed a petition to move to Israel. Russian patriot, yeah. Surprise, however! :))) Those who wish can independently google the remaining "prisoners of conscience". I guarantee: you will find many interesting things in open sources.

    3. Pushkar
      Pushkar 7 October 2015 18: 08 New
      0
      Quote: Riv
      Cases of bygone days ... In such cases, I usually google the biographies of participants in events to start. For example, retired colonel general Makashov - where is he now? Slippers! ..

      http://belenky.livejournal.com/3397106.html

      But he, it turns out, recently filed a petition to move to Israel. Russian patriot, yeah. Surprise, however! :))) Those who wish can independently google the remaining "prisoners of conscience". I guarantee: you will find many interesting things in open sources.

      Color revolution, you say? Nu-nu ... Such a color ...
      Wow! And how at the rallies yelled - "Ms. zh.idy!".
  6. k1995
    k1995 7 October 2015 08: 22 New
    +1
    Police officers and military personnel of the internal troops could not stop the convoy of demonstrators and began to retreat. Gradually, the retreat turned into almost an escape - many policemen and soldiers threw batons and shields.
    My acquaintances, who served as an urgent in the internal troops, said that they had turned out of their salaries for batons and shields, while 6 people were killed in the battalion (not full), but they were not included in official statistics
    1. Scraptor
      Scraptor 7 October 2015 09: 58 New
      0
      Quote: k1995
      from salary
  7. vladimirvn
    vladimirvn 7 October 2015 09: 14 New
    +3
    Quote: Enot-poloskun
    And further. For me, a big mystery is the non-interference of the army both in 1991 and in 1993. Why weren’t they opposed Yeltsin?

    When events began in Moscow, they did not pass by the sun. The head of the "political department" of the division sharply "fell ill." The deputy chief began to demand from subordinate military units to hold meetings of officer collectives with resolutions in support of the State Emergency Committee and sending telegrams in their support. In some parts this has passed, in others not. The division commander at the meeting said our task is to protect the country from an external enemy. Among the officers, in general, that was the mood of indifference. "They have it there in Moscow, they share power, and we have a different task." Everyone wanted a change, everything and everything collapsed. The GKChP did not offer anything worthwhile or new, except for a return back. Yes, and they looked unconvincing. And Yeltsin at that time, was still the legitimate president and promised, promised, promised, with .... ka.
  8. parusnik
    parusnik 7 October 2015 09: 18 New
    +12
    Black October 1993. Twenty-two years to shoot the House of Soviets..My acquaintance..having received a gun in the armory, he said: Yeltsin was wrong and went to defend the White House .. His fate is not known ..
    1. Scraptor
      Scraptor 7 October 2015 09: 59 New
      +4
      probably also not included in the official statistics, and the nature of the injuries (mainly from the back) is not known ...
  9. Mangel olys
    Mangel olys 7 October 2015 10: 15 New
    +9
    I well remember this period of time as a young lieutenant. It is a pity that we were on the other side of the country. After the coup d'etat led by Yeltsin in October 1993, many officers began to leave the army, apparently remembering that the oath was taken once in a lifetime.
  10. rotmistr60
    rotmistr60 7 October 2015 10: 39 New
    +9
    It’s even difficult to write about these events. EBN sold everything he could. Today you just need to shut up those who yell about the contribution of the EBN to the "democracy" of Russia. There has been no greater betrayal since the 1st MV.
    1. sherp2015
      sherp2015 7 October 2015 11: 08 New
      +9
      Quote: rotmistr60
      It’s even difficult to write about these events. EBN sold everything he could. Today you just need to shut up those who yell about the contribution of the EBN to the "democracy" of Russia. There has been no greater betrayal since the 1st MV.


      The actions and rule of Yeltsin for a long time rattled across the country ...
      Gradually artificially went bankrupt and destroyed, as well as sold for pennies to enterprise thieves, modern equipment. Machine tools were scrapped, collective farms destroyed ...
      People were left without work, without money, could not buy bread for their family ...
      Millions of people became migrants, died in garbage dumps.
      The destruction of the USSR is a terrible tragedy for the Soviet people.
      Of course, those who are well settled in his rule, grabbers, scammers and other embezzlers will praise Yeltsin ...
      1. Rastas
        Rastas 7 October 2015 20: 20 New
        +5
        You wrote the truth. Yeltsin is a traitor to the people. Only there is one but. He was chosen by the same people. The results were falsified, not falsified - this is another question. All the time we scold the presidents, deputies, but they did not fly from Mars, they were chosen, therefore we also bear the responsibility that we endured this mess, quietly whispering at home. And when in October 93 the real citizens came out in defense of the Soviet Constitution, the majority of the people of Russia said that this did not concern us, squabbling for power, thereby showing the very real philistine logic. We are also responsible for the blood of the true patriots who died for their homeland in October 93, that they did not come to the rescue, but now they just forgot about them.
    2. Uncle Joe
      Uncle Joe 7 October 2015 14: 44 New
      +2
      Quote: rotmistr60
      Today you just need to shut up those who yell about the contribution of EBN to the "democracy" of Russia

      Quote: sherp2015
      Of course, those who are well settled in his rule, grabbers, scammers and other embezzlers will praise Yeltsin ...

      Vladimir Putin:

      "Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, along with the new Russia, has gone through a difficult but necessary transformation. He has led the process of radical changes that have led Russia out of the impasse. Russia has received a rebirth. It has become a civilized open state, and the role of the first president in the formation of this state is huge.
      It was at this time that Russia was born open and thinking about people, democratic institutions were formed, the Russian Constitution was adopted, which proclaimed the highest value of human rights and freedom. "

      http://top.rbc.ru/society/01/02/2011/536637.shtml
      1. THE_SEAL
        THE_SEAL 7 October 2015 15: 09 New
        +5
        Quote: Uncle Joe
        Vladimir Putin:

        "Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, along with the new Russia, has gone through a difficult but necessary transformation. He has led the process of radical changes that have led Russia out of the impasse. Russia has received a rebirth. It has become a civilized open state, and the role of the first president in the formation of this state is huge.
        It was at this time that Russia was born open and thinking about people, democratic institutions were formed, the Russian Constitution was adopted, which proclaimed the highest value of human rights and freedom. "

        How could such a ... nude blurt out?
    3. bondarencko
      bondarencko 8 October 2015 02: 12 New
      +1
      I propose - once and for all, the term "democracy", as having discredited itself, to replace Russian - democracy.
  11. Ryuuk
    Ryuuk 7 October 2015 11: 04 New
    +4
    Of course, the tragic time was ...
    And yet ... Since we decided to directly oppose the illegal and unconstitutional actions of Yeltsin and Co., we had to show a little more confidence.
    The mass media (in their case, Ostankino or the telegraph) are the first to take control - this would have yielded 60 percent of success.
    Moreover, after all, a lot of people supported them ...

    And so ... Well, they closed in the house, well, they turned through a shout or whatever, well, they showed on TV ...
    But their direct appeal to the masses and explanation was not enough ...
    Without this, all their efforts, no doubt correct from the point of view of the law, resulted in failure.

    Yes, and these negotiations with those against whom they opposed, I also think did not give their potential allies confidence in bringing the matter to an end.

    In general, somehow ...
    Of course, it’s easy now to think while sitting in a warm chair and drawing thoughtful conclusions ... Therefore, I do not pretend to anything, I just expressed my opinion. Oh ...
    1. alicante11
      alicante11 7 October 2015 15: 17 New
      +3
      The mass media (in their case, Ostankino or the telegraph) are the first to take control - this would have yielded 60 percent of success.


      Yes God is with them, with the media. In Moscow and word of mouth gathered thousands, but the province is still a swamp, whoever wins in Moscow will fall under that. At the same time, it is not a matter of quantity; it is still difficult to organize, supply, and arm. It was possible to fight with the available forces. The main mistake of the Supreme Council is that they defended, not attacked. It was necessary to take control of as many areas of Moscow as possible, which would make it possible to turn the situation into street battles. Given the passivity of most of the armed forces and the low motivation of those who participated on the side of EBN, it is not a fact that victory in the street battles would have remained for them.
      1. Rastas
        Rastas 7 October 2015 20: 31 New
        +3
        So this is the whole point that the supporters of the House of Soviets did not perceive events as war. Korzhakov said after about Rutsky that the general did not surrender twice. Here it is pulp and is in his words. The Yeltsinists perceived those events as a war with the enemy, and the Armed Forces supporters wanted to negotiate. The same assault on Ostankino was inflated to the point of impossibility, saying that they wanted to kill all the employees of the television center there. Although the defenders of the House of Soviets just wanted to appear on television and express their position. There was no civil war - there was a massacre.
    2. Rastas
      Rastas 7 October 2015 19: 50 New
      +5
      The defenders of the House of Soviets who died there were real patriots of their homeland, they have every right to be called the high name of Citizen. Most of us, unfortunately, are far from them, so as to go out and declare our rights, to protect our Homeland from the arbitrariness of those in power. We can only live on the forums. Eternal memory to the dead !!! Damn the executioners of the people !!!
  12. qwert
    qwert 7 October 2015 11: 27 New
    +3
    I remember 1991 year well. Before they announced the GKChP, the inscription “Down with the Hunt” appeared on the trams. You think someone’s initiative ???? No, organization.
  13. Stirbjorn
    Stirbjorn 7 October 2015 11: 43 New
    +6
    In general, it is disgusting to recall that time, especially, in fact, the treachery of the army and vvshnikami held by their people. Then came the Chechen massacre in 1994-1996. And the groans, grinded in that meat grinder, of our officers, about the fact that we need to go to the Kremlin (Mironov "I was in this war").
    1. Kilo-11
      Kilo-11 7 October 2015 13: 01 New
      +6
      I agree with you partly that the armed forces did not behave very worthily in that situation, but nevertheless there were not a few military supporters among Rutsky-Khasbulatov's supporters, both retirees and serving in the Russian Armed Forces. As a result, after the October events, the armed forces fell into not the mercy of the ebn. The state security organs, which underwent severe cleaning and turned from the MB into a very truncated FSK, didn’t have mercy on the ebn and his gang. But then, the ministers and centuries cried out more than before the ebn and his gang. It was after the October events The take-off of the career of Mr. A. Kulikov began in 1995. Minister of Internal Affairs, since 1997, Deputy Prime Minister for the security forces, in 1997 there was a serious rumor that Mr. A. Kulikov would be awarded the military rank of “Marshal of the Russian Federation.” It was after the October events that the May lawlessness began, which only intensified and acquired the ugliest forms precisely at the time when Mr. A. Kulikov began to control the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The states of the Ministry of Internal Affairs as a whole and the explosives in the first place were not justified, the explosives exceeded the ground forces of the armed forces. Maybe the Government of the Russian Federation be brave and yes Article fair assessment of the reign of ebn and his gang.
  14. Andrey77
    Andrey77 7 October 2015 12: 13 New
    -11
    Yeltsin, of course she is. But at that moment it was the only chance to avoid the collapse / division of the country. Pretty rude and clumsy - but effective.
    1. Scraptor
      Scraptor 7 October 2015 12: 14 New
      +6
      It was a way to consolidate the country and continue.
    2. THE_SEAL
      THE_SEAL 7 October 2015 15: 14 New
      +6
      fighting a dumb and illiterate manager, fully state-controlled. The theft of our resources in favor of the states and the complete collapse of the economy, led by "leading Western economists," led to a complete impoverishment of the population. Americans even began to import guillotines for sawing our "Sharks".
      And in perspective - the transformation of RUSSIA into a nuclear-free country, with which you can then do anything.
      About Yeltsin’s struggle, it’s impossible to talk about the drunk and near-traitor of our country's interests.
  15. Pushkar
    Pushkar 7 October 2015 18: 03 New
    -9
    Time passed and an alternative story did not come true. You can say anything, but one thing is true - then the hotbed of the unfolding Russian civil war was extinguished. The end result - Putin and Russia are at the head of the country.
    1. Scraptor
      Scraptor 7 October 2015 20: 57 New
      +2
      People’s blood was repaid. There was no need to fight him.
      1. Cap.Morgan
        Cap.Morgan 7 October 2015 23: 29 New
        -6
        A crowd with armatures could tear down everything. The crowd structure is poorly managed. We escaped significantly more blood.
        1. Scraptor
          Scraptor 8 October 2015 04: 11 New
          0
          The armature was not plastic (if any) as then with a Christmas tree?
    2. Cap.Morgan
      Cap.Morgan 7 October 2015 23: 26 New
      -5
      I agree with you.
      The main thing is that Russia has prospects. We can develop.
      Mother-in-law is always unhappy with her son-in-law. Mother-in-law always wants a prick. So are the people. Everyone wants happiness and that everything is good for everyone. But this does not happen.
      1. Scraptor
        Scraptor 8 October 2015 04: 14 New
        +1
        armature-armaurins, such reinforcement ...

        What do you care about the people if you are not out of him and do not respect him?
  16. Rastas
    Rastas 7 October 2015 20: 01 New
    +7
    They had a beautiful moment among the dashing gods,
    It was a different birthday, one day of death ...
    And the figure of this date is spiked heels
    Printed soldiers sold regiments.

    Humble people artless army,
    As before, as elsewhere, they came to pacify
    Trained bastards from money bags
    Hired soldiers sold regiments.

    The carnage does not last forever, there is its limit,
    In the captured capital roamed between the bodies
    For the homeland of crucified children and the elderly
    Bloody soldiers sold regiments.

    Nothing will sink into oblivion. Perked up people
    One day he will call punishers to account,
    Do not avoid retribution behind the walls of bayonets
    Shameful soldiers sold regiments!

    A. Kharchikov, 1993
  17. Buffalo
    Buffalo 9 October 2015 23: 37 New
    0
    I look at the old photos and remember ...
    General Makashov, Albert Mikhailovich, a native of the Voronezh region, from the Old Believers. He behaved with dignity both then and now. A real general, a real warrior.
    Anpilov was bored, went to the “six” to Zhirinovsky, campaigned for him in Tula. Never distinguished by mind, and now at all ...
    Ilya Konstantinov, always behaved with dignity.
    I would like to mention another werewolf - the owner of Moskovsky Komsomolets, Gusev-Drabkin. Rare scumbag! It was he who called for the killing of the White House defenders. During the assault, I did not come home for two days - I rode around the city all night. After that, he got rich and crawled everywhere.
    But, not yet evening ...
  18. drivemotor
    drivemotor 14 November 2015 07: 57 New
    0
    I alone noticed that after the speech of the President of the RF Armed Forces and the decision of the Constitutional Court, Yeltsin was hereinafter referred to as the president anyway? So, if anything, the shooting of the building was carried out on the orders of the offended pensioner of the Russian Federation.

    And according to the meaning of the article, it turns out that if foreign liberals were not allowed to commit an unconstitutional coup, then ah ... ah, there would be a civil war.