On the fate of the "bitch sons" of the Empire

The words attributed either to the Nicaraguan dictator Somose (senior) or to the Dominican tyrant Trujillo are attributed to Franklin Delano Roosevelt: "Maybe he is a son of a bitch, but this is our son of a bitch." The stake in international affairs on the henchmen of this category has long been traditional for the United States ... The framework of cooperation is defined with cynical pragmatism. The next "son of a bitch" is guaranteed to remain in power, but with the condition of unquestioning service of the geostrategic interests of the Empire, participation in subversive operations against "unfriendly" regimes and political leaders, ensuring the imperial interests in the "trust" country.

US intelligence agencies have plentiful dirt on Alvaro Uribe Veles, the penultimate president of Colombia. In the intelligence analysis “Characteristics of the leaders of the drug mafia of Colombia,” which was declassified by the Pentagon in 1991, Uribe passes under number 82: “The Colombian politician and senator, who ensures the positions of the Medellin drug cartel at a high government level. He was involved in drug trafficking in the United States. His father was killed in Colombia for having links to drug traffickers. Uribe is very close to (drug lord) Pablo Escobar of Gaviria. Participated in his election campaign. " In March 1984, the Colombian authorities carried out an operation to seize the Escobar drug laboratory, confiscated 14 tons of cocaine and several aircraft and helicopters. Among them is the Hughes 500 helicopter, owned by the Uribe family. There were no claims against Alvaro then. Moreover, he was appointed as the head of civil aviation. It was he who gave permission for the use of runways and field airfields to drug companions. This is where the sources of financial prosperity for Uribe and his clan members should be sought.

Two presidential terms - from 2002 to 2010. - Uribe zealously performed the duties of a puppet of Washington, opposing those integration processes in the region that did not involve the participation of the United States in them. With particular persistence, Uribe has harmed the ALBA bloc, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Latin America. The relationship of the Colombian President with Hugo Chavez, Rafael Correa, Evo Morales, Daniel Ortega, Fidel and Raul Castro became increasingly acute and conflicted. The pretext for inciting confrontation in the region was supposedly the existing “secret cooperation” of the ALBA countries with the Colombian guerrilla groups FARC-ELN. Uribe demanded that Latin Americans recognize them, following the US, as "terrorist organizations", support the course of the Colombian leadership to intensify internal war and completely defeat the rebels.

Uribe ignored calls from ALBA leaders for a peaceful dialogue between the warring parties. Only power methods, no counter steps! He gave the go-ahead to the proposal of the Pentagon and the CIA to “liquidate” the FARC temporary headquarters camp in the inaccessible border zone of Ecuador. The operation was carried out by US airplanes and a group of Colombian commandos. Among dozens of guerrillas, Commander Raul Reyes, the FARC authorized peacekeeping process, was killed. The Bush administration has received the planned result: the situation in the region has reached a critical point, the threat of armed conflict between Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela has become more real than ever. Combat units, including tank, received orders to nominate for border protection. The prospect of a local war between the sudacas, as the diplomats and the US military scornfully call South Americans, was seen by hawks in Washington as an acceptable option for "untying knots" in relations with "populist regimes." With the first shots on the Colombian-Ecuadorian and Colombian-Venezuelan borders, the Pentagon’s course to establish military bases in Colombia and other countries of South America and the Caribbean would be justified, and opportunities would open up for direct intervention in a heated conflict, including the seizure of oil fields in Venezuela and Ecuador.

The disclosures of WikiLeaks did not concern the secret documents of the Pentagon and the CIA, which addressed the problems of an emerging armed conflict, promising scenarios of actions by the parties and options for escalating confrontation. These explosive materials are unlikely to be discovered in the coming decade. However, direct participants in those events from the Colombian side may sooner or later become witnesses at the trial of the failed war, the inflammatory role of the American military representatives in Colombia and, accordingly, the backstage maneuvers of Uriba, which persistently provoked Ecuador and the outbreak of hostilities. Uribe has many other activities in the “asset” aimed at undermining stability and law and order in “populist” countries. With his knowledge, residencies of the secret police DAS were created everywhere where there are large colonies of Colombian refugees, engaged not only in surveillance, but also, in accordance with the Bush doctrine of counter-terrorism, “physical neutralization” of the most dangerous “extremists”. It was not in vain in Washington and Bogota that the level of interaction between the special services during the Uribe period was recognized as unprecedentedly effective.

The largest colony of Colombians is in Venezuela. Not less than 4-s millions of people settled in the Bolivarian Republic, fleeing from government repression for "links with partisans", punitive actions of drug cartels and far-right armed groups. This situation is used by American and Colombian special services, sending paramilitares to Venezuela. Their task is to destabilize the border states, economic sabotage (smuggling of gasoline and food), kidnapping for ransom. Against this background, a permanent propaganda campaign is unfolding: Chavez is unable to cope with the rampant crime. It was through the “DAS channels” that Uribe was informed about the preparation of a raid by the paramilitares detachment of more than a hundred people to attack the presidential palace of Miraflores and kill Chavez. Colombian militants were to use Venezuelan uniforms and weapons to mimic a spontaneous uprising of the military, dissatisfied with Chavez’s “communist policies”. Uribe did not object: perhaps it will be possible to succeed this time.

The plan failed, the militants were arrested in the vicinity of Caracas on the eve of the attack. Uribe hurried to organize a meeting with the Venezuelan president in order to shift the blame for the incident on the "ultra-right elements" in the state security structures. Chavez did not aggravate the problem, pretended to believe the explanations of a Colombian who, according to Venezuelan intelligence reports, said more than once in his inner circle that he would “be able to rid Latin America of a dictator”.

Uribe could not “secure” his re-election for the presidency for the third time. The Constitutional Court of Colombia has been principled. No other solution was possible. The facts of the crimes of the Uribe regime began to emerge: graves with thousands of victims, reprisals against Colombians, who were dismissed as partisans, murders of oppositionists, trade union, peasant and student activists, journalists, representatives of Indian organizations. This practice was used by the Americans during the period of the struggle against partisan movements in Latin America in the 50-80-s. Uribe without hesitation took it into service. In the long term, the investigation into the illegal “wiretaps” of members of parliament, prosecutors, judges, and journalists may also have extremely negative consequences for the ex-president. Uribe denies giving orders of this kind. However, the arrest of his personal secretary, Bernardo Moreno, and the flight of former DAS director Maria del Pilar Hurtado to Panama, where she was granted political asylum, point to something else: “wiretaps” were ordered from Nariño Palace.

The US government appreciated the services of its “son of a bitch”: at the end of the presidential term, he received a teaching position in one of the US universities and a diplomatic cover for a UN employee.

The new president, Juan Manuel Santos, who was Minister of Defense in the Uribe government, refused to (explicitly) continue to confront with the countries of the ALBA. Santos met with Chavez, signed documents on the normalization of relations and cooperation in various fields, including security. This step was perceived by Uribe as a "betrayal" and the surrender of positions won under his leadership in the fight against "populists" and "FARC-ELN gangsters". With undisguised irritation, Uribe took the investigation into corruption cases in his administration and his sons' relations with the leaders of the drug mafia. In response, via Twitter, he very critically responded to Santos. Many Latin American politicians, including Brazilian Lula Inacio da Silva, fell under the Uribe online distribution: “He criticized Chávez when he was absent, but he trembled before him when he was near.”

Colombian political analysts have noted signs of "psychosis" in the behavior of Uribe, who "publicly attacks Chavez whenever possible." And this is in the presence of an agreement with Chávez Santos that the latter will refrain from criticizing the ex-president. The Venezuelan keeps his word, and for Santos, Uribe’s constant attacks on Chávez are becoming an increasing problem. Uribe’s intervention in other issues of Colombian domestic and foreign policy continues, which is fraught with the aggravation of internecine conflicts in ruling circles.

The post of lecturer at North American University turned out to be purely formal. Students, especially from Latin America, rejected Uribe: you can’t hide the truth about the ex-president’s criminal trajectory. So he has to speak in exclusively “friendly” audiences of the USA, Europe, Central and South America, where you can talk about Chavez and other “populist presidents”. Uribe's advocacy is openly encouraged by Washington. It is noticed that the ex-president is trying not to stay in one place for a long time. He is constantly on the road, as if covering his tracks. The American guard does not close his eyes: the possibility of partisan revenge for the death of Comandante Reyes is high.

Even the estate in Uberrimo Uriba manages by telephone. He is afraid, because he knows: among the Farkovites there are people everywhere. For the same reason, the ex-president spent a total of no more than a week in his house, located on the territory of the police complex in the north of Bogota. Although the complex is considered impregnable, Uribe prefers not to tempt fate. Enemies are everywhere. Even the CIA cannot be fully relied upon. The fate of the Panamanian president Noriega is a constant reminder of the duplicity of the gringo. He was guilty of something and received, despite his past achievements, a long time in an American prison. But many considered Noriega the favorite son of a bitch in the Empire ...