Degradation of the USSR under Brezhnev
Mikhail Suslov and Leonid Brezhnev on the podium of the Mausoleum on May 1, 1978.
Degradation of nomenclature
The degradation of the country, launched by Khrushchev, continued under Brezhnev (Simplification of the Brezhnev USSR and the first signs of degradation). It concerned society, the economy, national relations, demography, the destruction of the Russian countryside, the physical health of the nation (for example, the development of mass drunkenness), etc. But no radical decisions or reforms were made to solve these problems. Kosygin’s economic reform was curtailed, fearing its “radicalism.” And the problems began to accumulate, complement each other, and get worse. New ones also appeared.
The Soviet elite and nomenklatura also began to disintegrate. Almost the entire leadership of the country consisted of figures of the same generation as Brezhnev (born in 1906). These were nominees of the 1930s, many had the Great Patriotic War school behind them. They reached important positions in the Politburo and government at a respectable age and continued to grow old in the Soviet Olympus. The Soviet gerontocracy (from Greek - “the power of the old people”) emerged. If under Stalin the average age of Politburo members was about 50 years, then under Brezhnev it reached over 70.
The old people did not want any changes. For them, communism has already arrived. They could live peacefully, without shocks, pace, and fully enjoy life, privileges and honor. The change of leadership was frozen. Higher positions became virtually lifelong. They left for the next world, either due to a serious illness. Medical care for the party elite was excellent, and they began to live longer.
The ruling elite received guarantees of personal security. Even under Khrushchev, State Security agencies were prohibited from collecting information about members of the Politburo, as well as applying any punitive measures (arrests, executions) against them. Under Brezhnev, a guarantee of position in society appeared. Naturally, many tried to promote their children, grandchildren, other relatives, friends and acquaintances.
Those who did not cope with their jobs were not demoted, dismissed or punished. For example, if the director of a plant failed to cope with his duties, then under Stalin he would have been punished (according to the formula - “are you a fool or an enemy?”). Under Brezhnev, he was transferred to another enterprise for a similar position; if he “messed up” there, he was transferred to another place, no lower, and so on until retirement. This system has been completely reproduced in the Russian Federation, when “effective managers” are simply shuffled from place to place.
Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1965–1977), member of the Politburo Nikolai Podgorny (1906–1983) in Tampere. Finland. 1969
"Cursed caste"
In the USSR, the party and state elite formed into an almost closed caste, inaccessible to outsiders. She lived in a parallel world, where everything was fine, communism came. A similar situation has developed in modern Russia. Therefore, many dignitaries are almost sincerely surprised and do not believe how ordinary people live on their salaries when they are informed about this.
Stalin was very afraid of this process and called this layer a “damned caste.” She lived in a “pink world”, isolated from the people. With a system of special supplies, special stores, special medical care, elite educational institutions.
Brezhnev's rule fully met the interests of this elite. Conservatism, predictability, absence of breakdowns and revolutions. Of course, intrigue and court struggle have not gone away. But it all happened quietly, behind the scenes, almost at home. First, the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Podgorny, who was considered the second most influential member of the Politburo after Brezhnev, was pushed out of power. He aspired to power, criticized the economy's bias towards heavy industry, and was against gas exports to Western countries. Then Brezhnev sidelined Kosygin, who tried to modernize the economy with his reform.
This whole struggle was not brought to congresses and plenums, and was not accompanied by scandals, “purges” and arrests of the losers, or a shake-up of the party and state apparatus. The losers were simply and quietly transferred to less significant positions, or retired for health reasons, without being deprived of any awards or privileges.
Party congresses turned into ceremonial events. Long reports were heard, similar to previous reports, of little interest to anyone. The five-year plans were declared completed. The following plans were adopted. Everyone voted unanimously in favor, electing the leadership proposed by the same leadership.
When Soviet oil and gas flowed from the oil and gas pipelines built to Western Europe, giving the country billions of foreign currency, the economic transformation that had begun stalled altogether. The urgent need for reforms disappeared, and they were curtailed. It was calmer that way. Then Brezhnev and his team floated by inertia.
National characteristics of Ukrainian outskirts
At the same time, a “bending” developed in relation to the national Ukrainian republics, which had already developed under Khrushchev. They were developed as a priority. At the expense of the former Great Russian provinces, the Russian people. First of all, resources and personnel went to the national outskirts.
For example, the Baltic states, which before the USSR was a remote, agrarian province of Europe, were turned into a “showcase of the USSR.” Residents of the Baltic republics are accustomed to a special attitude that “they are Europe,” and all around is a scoop. Not realizing that their “showcase” was created through the efforts of the entire Soviet people. That without the resources and market of the USSR they are simply a remote periphery, both of Europe and of Russia.
In the Baltics, life was freer. While intensified anti-religious propaganda was carried out in schools of the RSFSR (under Khrushchev, a new wave of religious persecution began), churches and houses of worship operated quietly in the Baltic republics.
In the sphere of trade, small-scale production and agriculture in the Baltic states, Central Asia and Transcaucasia, a genuine NEP reigned. There were cooperative enterprises and shops. Estonia has retained a “family” connection with neighboring Finland. Cooperators brought from there goods that were in short supply in the USSR and resold them. To buy them, any resident of Estonia could join a cooperative. Special models of agriculture were in effect. Collective farms had greater independence and earned good money. In the Caucasus and Central Asia, citizens had large gardens, personal plots, traded fruits, vegetables, etc. Life was easier and more satisfying.
Development of nationalism
For some reason, these privileges did not extend to the RSFSR. That is, already then conditions were created for the division of the USSR into national apartments. The local residents were taught their “peculiarity” by the Russians. They say that Russians have dirt, decay, dullness and wretchedness. They don't know how to do anything and get drunk. Therefore, Ukraine will live well without Moscow, there will be more lard and vodka. The Baltic states will prosper even more separately from the USSR, etc.
All conditions were created for the development of the small-town intelligentsia, infected with nationalism. Nationalism itself, of course, could not be openly propagated, but it was not persecuted in the national Ukrainian outskirts. Therefore, at the local level in the Baltic states or Western Ukraine, the “Russian Muscovites” were already hated. An amnesty for seasoned “forest brothers” and Banderaites played a big role in this, many of whom quickly changed their colors and took important local positions in the party, state apparatus and economy.
Such features flourished in Central Asia and Transcaucasia. In particular, there was no religious persecution here either. People calmly visited mosques and, in Georgia and Armenia, Christian churches. Even party officials were baptized and baptized their children. In Russia and Belarus they would pay for this with party cards. Already then, pockets of Islamism were appearing in Central Asia, which the external enemies of the USSR would try to exploit during the war in Afghanistan.
On the outskirts, opportunities for personal enrichment remained. This was also legal trade: tangerines, grapes, watermelons, wool, etc. were sold to the state at good prices. Representatives of the southern republics had the opportunity to conduct profitable trade in the markets of Russian regions, expanded their network of influence, and organized a system for transporting goods. This is how fortunes and shadow capital were made, and connections were established that would be useful in the future. This later became the basis for the dominance of ethnic groups in Russian markets. The Russians were not given such special conditions.
Leonid Brezhnev and Alexey Kosygin on the podium of the Mausoleum. May 1, 1980 Author: V. G. Musaelyan
Development of party spirit and bureaucracy
A characteristic feature of the era was strict partisanship. The ideologist Suslov, who became the eminence grise of the USSR, in the absence of clear goals and prospects, tried to preserve the ideology, Marxism-Leninism, in order to preserve the unity of the party and the people. Marxism was harshly enforced. In various institutions, all the walls were covered with visual propaganda, a lot of time was spent on political conversations, political information, party and Komsomol events, classes on Marxism-Leninism, taking notes on “primary sources”, numerous speeches by Brezhnev, materials of congresses, plenums, etc. And this was already a formality.
In the new Brezhnev constitution of 1977, for the first time, the role of the party was legally defined as “a leading and directing force, the “political core of society.” Even under Stalin there were no such definitions.
The quality of management was falling, the party was strengthened through its significant growth. Joining it was important for career development, for increasing social status and authority in society. If in 1952 there were about 7 million people in the Communist Party, then by 1980 there were more than 18 million. The quality of the party only worsened. Membership in the Communist Party has largely become a formality. Communists paid dues and participated in meaningless party meetings. At the same time, people had a good education and saw window dressing, fraud, that the documents often did not correspond to reality. Therefore, many learned to live by “double standards”: at meetings they listened and said one thing, but at home and with their comrades they said something else.
Therefore, when the USSR collapses, millions of communists will be completely indifferent to this process. They won't pick it up weapon, in order to crush the still rather small rats, traitors, and save the Soviet Motherland. In much the same way, millions of Christians in an officially Orthodox country watched how, after the revolution of 1917, a small number of revolutionaries and atheists would destroy churches and drive out priests. No one will care. There was no longer any essence in the official church, as well as in official communism, only an empty form.
Konstantin Chernenko, Leonid Brezhnev, Andrei Gromyko. 1980 Author: V. G. Musaelyan
The concept of “developed socialism”
Khrushchev promised the people that in 20 years the Soviet people would live under communism. But it quickly became clear that this was a pipe dream with such a policy. Then they came up with the concept of building “developed socialism” in the USSR. Like, this is a transitional stage on the path from socialism to communism.
The 1977 constitution stated that the state had fulfilled the tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat and had become national. That a new one has been created historical community - the Soviet people. That a society of highly organized, ideological, and conscious workers has emerged, “the law of life is the concern of everyone for the welfare of each and the concern of each for the welfare of all.”
“Developed socialism” was declared a long-term stage that will be improved in the foreseeable future. It became clear to many that this was an imitation of vigorous activity, verbiage. This led to apathy, indifference, and spiritual emptiness. Old ideals were crumbling, but there were no new ones. In their place came the Soviet analogue of Western consumer society, that is, materialism.
In addition, Brezhnev’s cult of personality was promoted. There was just no personality. Brezhnev himself was a normal person, he was not a dictator or a villain, he had services to the country. But the cult was caricatured and senile. The Secretary General was showered beyond measure with the highest awards of the USSR, socialist and friendly countries. For example, seven Orders of Lenin, five Stars of Hero of the USSR and Hero of Socialist Labor, the highest military order of Victory, the title of Marshal of the USSR, etc. Three books written on behalf of Brezhnev were published in huge millions of copies, studied throughout the country, etc. .
Personally, Brezhnev really did a lot for the USSR and the people. Therefore, ordinary people remembered this era with kindness. But the Secretary General became decrepit and was seriously ill. In the later period, he simply “rested on his laurels.” He loved comfort, peace, and quiet family life. Respect for the authorities and the party was lost. Peace became stagnation, which led the USSR to disaster.
Leonid Brezhnev at the Artek pioneer camp. 1979 Author: V. G. Musaelyan
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