The murder of the ex-deputy of Kiva: not a special order and not a liquidation operation
Is he a politician?
Recently, in the Moscow region, Ukrainian oppositionist Ilya Kiva was killed with two shots in the back. Since in Ukraine Kiva, in addition to its opposition to the Zelensky regime, became famous for its scandalous reputation, the Kyiv security services were immediately delighted and immediately took responsibility.
In Russia, too, most media and government agencies agreed that the SBU was behind the murder. Let's try to understand why this version was launched. Moreover, even in the West they made a suggestion to Ukraine, calling the murder of Kiva an extrajudicial execution.
But there are a lot of questions in this case, and the first of them is about the moral character of Kiva himself, the second is what role the Ukrainian special services could have played in the murder and which ones.
To present Kiva as almost a revolutionary, with a pro-Russian orientation, who suffered for Russia and for his political views, would be, to say the least, absurd. Ilya Kiva became seriously involved in political activities after a career as a businessman, top manager and social activist. Moreover, the latter type of activity was fraught with a criminal case for bribery.
What pushed him into politics, of course, was the Maidan of 2014, when Kiva joined the extremist organization Right Sector. Despite the fact that even then the Pravoseks aroused great suspicion among the authorities, especially after the Mukachevo incident, Kiva was given an amnesty and hired to work in the police. There he almost instantly received the rank of major and became commander of the Poltava battalion.
Not white, not fluffy
What followed was a brilliant career in law enforcement, activity in the ATO zone and brilliant work on television as the host of the “Traffic with Kiva” program, dedicated to drug crime. But this is not the main thing. Let us dwell further on the issue of his political views.
Is Kiva so white and fluffy that he could be given political asylum in Russia and even Russian citizenship?
Yes, at the time of his arrival in Russia, Kiva had already defected to the pro-Russian camp of Ukrainian politics and campaigned for Putin. But the political portrait of the ex-Rada deputy itself shows that, by and large, he simply did not have a political position.
Political activity for Kiva was more of a business. His statements during his career in the Right Sector are especially impressive. Kiva believed that all lovers of the Russian world should be erased from Ukrainian soil, Donbass should be taught to love Ukraine, and those who wear “Colorado ribbons” should be buried in the ground.
That is why it is very strange that a repentant Nazi was given political asylum in Russia. Bandera, at one time, also seemed to repent of his collaboration with the Germans and even served time in a concentration camp for this, but in the USSR and in many post-Soviet countries he tarnished his name forever.
Another question: what structure is behind the murder of Kiva. The question of the involvement of the Ukrainian special services in the crime is very controversial in many respects. In the foreground here is a heated dispute between the SBU and the Main Intelligence Directorate about whose merit this is, which can only evoke a sense of black humor. During the first Chechen war, Salman Raduev took responsibility for all incidents in Russia with tragic consequences.
If gas explodes somewhere or bandits blow up someone’s car during a showdown, Raduev is right there, which was generally convenient for Russian law enforcement agencies, since it eliminated the need for investigative actions. He had no competitors in this field; he was the one and only.
Revenge sector
There are two Raduevs at once: Budanov and Malyuk. The anecdotal situation that occurred suggests, of course, that these gentlemen officers do not care at all about their reputation, they present themselves, excuse the cynicism, in a comical light. But the point is not even this, but a number of other details.
First, the The Zelensky regime also has more serious enemies that could be eliminated first. For example, Arestovich, who fled to Poland, who, given the cooperation of Ukrainian and Western security forces, could generally be eliminated by the hands of more qualified Polish intelligence services.
Moreover, without traces or evidence: he died a sweet death, hit by a truck with chocolate. In the case of Kiva, according to some sources, a hunting rifle was used, which is generally not typical for the special services and is even unthinkable.
Second, the What raises questions is some deliberate unprofessionalism of the killer, who missed the shot in the head, only damaging it tangentially, but at the same time did not finish off Kiva, who fell after a successful shot in the back. Kiva remained alive for about an hour and, judging by the tracks, was crawling.
If he had received medical assistance in time, perhaps he would have remained alive given his remarkable health. The intelligence services don’t work like that, but they act for sure.
A more realistic option is revenge from the Right Sector or Azov militants for betrayal. This is practiced everywhere in extremist organizations.
Why in Russia?
A natural question arises as to why Kiva was not removed in Ukraine, although it was already clear then that he was a defector to the opposite camp.
There is a possibility that this is due to the fact that the most active criticism of “Azov” from Kiva occurred precisely during the SVO, and with the disclosure of information that “Azov” was classifying.
Considering that in “Azov”, no matter how hard Zelensky tried to clear it, there were still “Right Sector” militants who had connections with Russian skinheads and near-football, it is quite possible that, on his order, he worked from the first one he came across weapons some unprofessional Russian outcast.
Well, one should not discount the rather unclear history with Kiva business.
It is known that he had connections with criminal authorities, whom he met in an unclear way during the ATO, and he was also involved in the division of the Dnieper (formerly Dnepropetrovsk) under the wing of his then boss Arsen Avakov.
How much money Kiva transferred to Spain before leaving for Russia, and what he actually did there is unknown.
But the non-political version of the murder cannot be discounted either.
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