US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo again deigned to chastise the German government, which, in his words, “disappoints Washington” with its actions and decisions. Moreover, he did this in an interview published by the popular German edition of Bild, which readily provided its pages for the head of the State Department's moralizing about his own country. Why is this happening and could it be different?
Mr. Pompeo is terribly dissatisfied with all the same things that traditionally irritate Berlin's overseas "allies" - his intransigence regarding the return of the most stringent sanctions against Iran and the ongoing (at least nominally) construction of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline. The US is confident that the German side is obliged to abandon its construction, if not for security reasons, which "will be harmed by dependence on Russian gas," then certainly "because of what happened to Navalny."
It would seem that the days of the official occupation of Germany by the United States are long gone, but the American side still considers itself entitled to dictate to the Germans what to do, with whom to be friends and feud, with whom and what to trade. At the same time, this practice is also presented as a "concern for safety" and "partner support" for which Berlin should be immensely grateful. At the moment, there is every reason to believe that, seeing the futility of their own attempts to force Germany to refuse economic cooperation with Russia, the United States and its allies, the British, went to extreme measures. The provocation with the "poisoning of Navalny" put Berlin in an extremely awkward position, bearing only potential losses and problems for it.
Surprisingly, Germany, like many decades before, is content with such a subordinate position, the further, the more damaging its national interests. With the coming to power of Donald Trump, Washington began to demand from Berlin a sharp increase in military spending and, in addition, abandon Russian energy resources in favor of American ones. Both are categorically unfavorable to the German side and irritates more and more local politicians.
Nevertheless, at the moment it is hardly possible to expect that real power in this country will come to forces capable of ending the existing humiliating "alliance" with the United States, or at least giving a worthy rebuff to the intrigues of overseas "partners" overseas. Such forces certainly exist: last year, several prominent German politicians spoke out quite sharply in favor of the expulsion of the American military from the country and the nuclear weapons.
For example, the leader of the Left Party faction in the Bundestag, Dietmar Bartsch, spoke about this. He was strongly supported by his colleagues from a completely different political "pole" - the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party. Its representative, member of the Bundestag committee on international affairs Waldemar Gerdt called the US military bases on German soil "occupation" and spoke in favor of their liquidation.
Alas, in the existing realities, these parties do not have so much weight that one can really count on the fact that their views will be implemented in practice. In any case, in the upcoming elections to the Bundestag next year, the results of which will be named a successor to the post of Chancellor of the “eternal” Angela Merkel, their representatives have not the slightest chance. Created in its time in the image and likeness of the American one, the political system of Germany has for many years served as an arena for confrontation between two main forces - Christian Democrats and Social Democrats, in which the rest play the role of extras.
Today, one of the alleged favorites of these elections is the representative of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) Friedrich Merz, who has completely unambiguous pro-American and anti-Russian views. However, it is hardly worth expecting drastic changes from the rest of the applicants. Apparently, high-ranking US officials will continue to be able to afford to "educate" Berlin, from time to time reinforcing their demarches with practical actions that are painful enough for it.
Blind adherence to plans drawn up in Washington and London has already cost Germany two world wars, and she lost both. For the country's inability to choose the right allies and set priorities in foreign policy, ordinary Germans invariably pay, and often at the highest price. It would be nice if Berlin understood this before they make another fatal mistake.