Why am I proud of my country?
Just now, in Solovyov's “Duel”, Nikita sounded a question to our Mikhalkov, and what, they say, a modern young man in Russia (of course, today) can be proud, but it’s not necessary about May 9 and history? Mikhalkov hangs like Windows 95. He screamed something, but he did not say anything intelligible. For it is very difficult to talk about the solar system, abstracting from the sun. My comrade was outraged, and was even going to write on this topic (maybe he would also write), but by fate I give these thoughts. So, then I will try to answer this, as if softer, not a good person Gozman and his "friends", and explain the confusion of Nikita Sergeevich Besogon. So, I’m 26 years old, I’m young and I don’t remember the USSR, but I am proud of Russia. That country in which I live, with all its migrants, kondopogami, sagrami and laws banning smoking. I proudly say abroad that I am a citizen of the Russian Federation. BUT! I am not blind, not deaf and I understand everything perfectly - the country does not have an IDEA, and without this, everything that makes sense and value, of course, fades. But when I hear the anthem, when I see the coat of arms and flag, when 9 comes in May - I smile. So, and now about everything in order.***
The image of a national-state identity, a nation as an "imaginary political community" (B. Anderson, who does not know) from the point of view of constructivism suggests the inclusion of specially created signs in it, shared by society as a whole. State ideology and national idea are formulated as a specific set of characters. "If you take away the tricolor flag from me, then you will take away half the power of France from me," the famous French poet and political figure A. de Lamartine once said. The works of K.Levi-Strauss highlight the general symbolic environment generated by the ethnic consciousness of the people.
These symbols and meanings concern both the internal political aspects of the life of society (the established perceptions of the ideal type of government, the characteristics of political culture, etc.) and the ideas about the principles and forms of the international existence of the state. Therefore, the study of the idea of the state from these positions helps to reveal its value bases in the context of forming a sense of national unity and identity. The symbol is closely connected with the identity of the community and therefore has a socio-political significance. Symbols are a cementing element for the political system and the underlying political culture. This is especially important in transitional periods. And here we come to the original question!
Political symbols have a number of functions: from informative to administrative. Identity is represented by both verbal and non-verbal symbols (I don’t need to explain, I hope). At the same time, the symbols of non-verbal signs (flag, emblem, anthem) can be used to form a state, political, ethno-cultural and religious identity. The color symbolism of modern political parties in Russia has not yet been formed. However, in the historical memory of Russians, the confrontation between red and white is still significant as a symbol of the opposition of supporters of Bolshevism and their opponents. At the same time, it is in them, along with the Constitution, that there are "fundamental guidelines" of the national idea. The triad (coat of arms, flag and anthem) is a historically established and generally accepted system of state symbols of the majority of states in the modern world.
The coat of arms and flag are the symbolic symbols of the state, and the anthem is its symbolic musical designation. Therefore, the issue of symbols of the Russian state is not something secondary.
For example, the double-headed eagle is of fundamental importance from the point of view of Orthodox tradition and symbolism, personifying the idea of a “symphony” of spiritual and state power. It is also the most important symbol of the continuity of power. In general, the symbolism of the Orthodox Church, along with the symbols of autocracy and nationality, played an important role in the formation and strengthening of the Russian state. Proof of this is, in particular, the fact that many attributes and symbols of the Orthodox Church became at the same time symbols of the Russian state, such as St. Isaac’s Cathedral or the Cathedrals of St. Basil the Blessed and Christ the Savior. According to the theory of E.Gellner, the state, losing the former ethnocultural differentiation, cling to any symbol capable of consolidating the nation. Some turn to history and try to isolate key events, others try to find spiritual and cultural roots in folklore and literature, and still others focus on the system of state symbols. One cannot but agree with the opinion of the creator of the Russian Explanatory Dictionary of Vladimir Dahl, who noted that all the peoples of Europe know their national colors, but we don’t know and confuse, "raising colorful flags and inadvertently."
Evidence of this is the history of Russian state symbols. The first 500 years of its history, Russia did not have a coat of arms, a flag, or an anthem. The role of the flag in the Middle Ages was played by the miraculous icon with which the prince's squads went into battle. Banners, banners or banners also depicted icon-painted faces, more often than others the head of Christ or the Savior the Bright Eye, as they said in Russia. The banner played the role of a talisman, designed to provide protection and protection of divine power. For the first time, a white-blue-red flag (the word "flag" is a derivative of the Dutch name for the worsted wool flagoth, which, due to its durability, went to sea flags) was hoisted in 1668 on the first Russian warship Orel during the reign of his father Peter I Alexei Mikhailovich. In 1699, Peter I assigned the role of the state flag to the white-blue-red flag, and on January 20, 1705 issued a decree according to which this flag was to be hoisted "on all kinds of merchant ships." In different variations, the three-lane flag decorated the warships until 1712, and then on the military navy the St. Andrew flag was affirmed (It was the cross from the time of the baptism of Rus that attached flags to the meaning of a shrine, protecting the state from various troubles.
It can be noted that the most fortunate was the fate of those European countries on whose flags the cross is depicted.
While on the state with the image on the flag of horizontal stripes fell heavy hardships). By this time there was also a symbolism of flowers: white meant nobility, duty and purity, blue - loyalty, chastity and love, and red - courage, generosity and strength. In other words, the Russian state flag became the sign of the Messianic state, who considered the spread of the ideas of good and truth a national vocation. In 1858, Mr. Alexander II approved a drawing with the “black and yellow and white colors of the Empire” on banners and flags, and on January 1, an imperial decree was issued in 1865, in which black, orange (gold) and white were called “state colors of Russia "(These colors are very fond of domestic production of neo-Nazis).
However, the black-yellow-white flag existed as a state symbol until 28 on April 1883, when the decree of Alexander III was announced in solemn cases to use "exclusively the Russian flag, consisting of three stripes: the top - white, middle - blue and bottom - red colors". Finally, in 1896, Nikolai II established a Special Meeting at the Ministry of Justice to discuss the issue of the Russian national flag, which determined that for the whole empire, the national flag should have a “white-blue-red color and no other”. It was at that time that the colors of the flag were officially interpreted. Red color meant state power, blue - the color of the Virgin, under the cover of which was Russia, and white - the color of freedom and independence. The extraordinary session of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR 22 August 1991 decided to consider the tricolor as the official symbol of Russia.
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COAT OF ARMS
The double-headed eagle as the emblem of the Moscow State first appeared on the seal of Ivan III in 1497 after his marriage to the Byzantine princess Sofia Paleolog. The image of the two-headed eagle (the coat of arms of Byzantium) was combined with the Moscow coat of arms, with the result that one half of the coat of arms was depicted as an eagle, and on the other a horseman trampling a dragon. In the future, changes were made to the emblem throughout Russian history, often of a fundamental nature. On the seals of Tsar Ivan IV the Terrible, the image of St. George the Victorious, the symbol of the Moscow princes, was placed on the eagle's chest. From 1625, under Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, three crowns appeared over the heads of the eagle, which symbolized the Christian trinity: God the Father, God the Son, and the Holy Spirit. After Peter I established the Russian Order of St. Andrew the First Called, a chain with the sign of the Order was included in the coat of arms. Thus, the eagle symbolically acquired the rank of a loyal soldier and victorious commander. The eagle's wings were lowered proudly, as if the eagle was preparing for takeoff, its beaks opened, releasing two snake-like tongues, its paws acquired powerful claws that clutched the scepter and power, symbols of power. (By the way, under Paul I, the image of the Maltese cross was briefly included in the coat of arms).
Alexander I carried out a large-scale reform of the coat of arms. In 1825, the state eagle was given not a heraldic, but a completely arbitrary form. The emperor ordered to remove the power and scepter from the claws of the bird of prey, replacing them with arrow-lightning, a torch and a laurel wreath. Emperor Nicholas I, already in 1830, returned to the traditional emblem, but added it with the emblems of the kingdoms belonging to the Russian Empire. 1882 established a strict hierarchy of the coat of arms: Large, Medium and Small State Emblems of the Russian Empire. From that time until February 1917, the image of the coat of arms remained unshakable.
The restoration of Russian symbols took place in 1993, when they were approved as decrees of the state flag and coat of arms by decrees of President Boris Yeltsin. 30 November 1993 B.N.Yeltsin signed a decree "On the State Emblem of the Russian Federation". According to the Statute of the Coat of Arms, it represents “an image of a golden double-headed eagle placed on a red heraldic shield, above the eagle are three historical crowns of Peter the Great, in the paws of an eagle is a scepter and power, on the chest of an eagle on a red shield is a horseman striking a dragon with the spear.” there was no State Flag in the Russian Empire, and the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR adopted only a resolution on the flag, but not the law.
The current coat of arms of Russia is a new coat of arms, but its components are deeply traditional and reflect different stages of national history. But thus the coat of arms communicates with the past, and not with the future. I must say that double-headed eagles in coats of arms are not uncommon. Since the XIII century. they appear in the generic symbolism of the graphs of Savoy and Würzburg, on Bavarian coins. They are known in the heraldry of the Knights of Holland and the Balkan countries. At the beginning of the XV century. Emperor Sigismund I makes a two-headed eagle as the coat of arms of the Holy Roman Empire, and after its collapse, the two-headed eagle becomes the emblem of Austria and remains so until 1919.
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STATE ANTHEM AND NATIONAL IDEA
One of the main problems, manifested in the inability of formulating the highest value orientations of the development of the state, is the fear of even a hint of ideology. A vivid example of the embodiment of the principle of non-ideology is the national anthem of the Russian Federation. In the literary and stylistic relation, the text of S. Mikhalkov does not cause any complaints. But in the ideological ... Nothing ideologically specific. Common highly artistic words that can be addressed absolutely to any state: "our beloved country", "mighty will", "great glory", "our free fatherland", "we are proud of you", "kept by God", "space for dreams and for life, loyalty to the fatherland. It remains unclear at the same time what constitutes a source of pride, what kind of God in a confessional sense we are talking about and what is the proclaimed dream. The main thing is the absence of development guidelines in the Russian anthem. The only precisely defined element in it is in the geographical description of the location of Russia ("Our forests and fields stretch from the southern seas to the polar edge"). The territory, therefore, is the main sign of our homeland.
The collapse of the Soviet Union led to the destruction of the Soviet identity. Experiencing a state of crisis, the mass consciousness began to look for new grounds for identification. According to the Public Opinion Foundation, in 2000, only a third of Russians (32%) supported the “Patriotic Song”, while 67% of respondents approvingly returned the Soviet anthem (of which the 28% of our fellow citizens unconditionally approved, and 39% - approved rather than disapproved).
Having returned the melody of A.Aleksandrov, President V.Putin actualized the mythological ideas about the power and greatness of the USSR, the successor of which was the modern Russian state.
So, when asked by the FOM about what images arise when listening to a new hymn, in 2002, the majority of respondents (28%) called “images of the past, memories”. At the same time, 2002% were not familiar with the text of the new anthem in 73, and 2004% in 65. In the anthem, "unity" and "freedom" are mentioned three times, but in the Soviet anthem, these categories are more common.
If we compare the value structure of the Russian and Soviet hymns in more detail, we can see that the value structure of the modern Russian anthem is devoid of ideological coloring. In the anthem of the Russian Federation, “glory” is proposed as the main unifying idea (instead of “freedom” and “communism” in the old one). The type of the hymn determines not the state belonging to one or another civilizational type. The peculiarities of the symbols incorporated in one or another national anthem depend on the stage of development of the national state at which this anthem was adopted. The structure and meaning of the anthem of the Russian Federation logically reflect the development of the national state in the post-Soviet period. Nowadays the existing anthem is a compromise uniting various social forces adhering to different values and goals.
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STATE DEVELOPMENT AS A NATIONAL IDEA FORMULA
Without a national idea, no state can exist in the long run. Its presence is steadily found in history, starting with the most ancient civilizations. Ancient Rome, for example, guided by the ideology of Pax Pomana, historically implemented the project of forming a world empire. Moscow Russia possessed a fully conscious installation, discovering it in the framework of the idea of the “Third Rome” by a certain Messianic kingdom. In the imperial period, the Russian ideology was modified in the form of the Uvarov formula "Orthodoxy. Autocracy. Nationality." The national motto was the call "For Faith, Tsar and Fatherland!".
The ideology of the Soviet state - the slogan "Proletarians of all countries unite!" Despite its markedly internationalist character, it was used as a national idea. “Instead of the Third Rome,” N. Berdyaev argued in connection with the Bolshevik ideological transformation, “Russia succeeded in accomplishing the Third International, and many features of the Third Rome passed to the Third International. The Third International is also a sacred kingdom, and it is also based on the orthodox faith. The Third International is not the International, but the Russian national idea. It is a transformation of Russian messianism. " Today there is no intelligible ideology. Indeed, in fact, not "sovereign democracy" is a "Russian idea"!
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VALUES AND MONETARY SIGNS
One of the traditional value designations in the state are bank notes. In view of the universality of the circulation of money, they are an effective carrier of the ideological code of the state in everyday life. Long-established tradition of images on coins, and then the banknotes of the coat of arms of the relevant state. The image of animals and plants is the lowest possible level of value presentation. It is essentially ideologically neutral. The peculiarity of the nature of the country is the only information positioned in this case. It does not contain any value content and information about the people and the state. An example of this kind of money is the banknotes of the Republic of Belarus of the beginning of the 1990s. with the image of typical animals of the Belarusian forests. Monuments of history and culture - this is one of the most common types of banknote drawings. It is this graphic format that was chosen for the currency of the Russian Federation. In terms of value, this type of images acts as an appeal to the preserved historical and cultural heritage of the country. The ideological component here, as a rule, is minimal. Most often the iconic series is served as a demonstration of tourist attractions. However, with an appropriate selection of memorable places can be served as an image of the most important historical achievements of the country, which accordingly increases the level of value presentation.
Next - a map of the state. Figures of this type are found relatively infrequently. On the banknote of Azerbaijan, the state borders of the country include, along with the actual Azerbaijani territories, the land of Nagorno-Karabakh, thus affirming the corresponding political claims. The placement of the cartographic image of the country on banknotes broadcasts the idea of the territorial integrity of the state, its national sovereignty. Historical and political persons: a historical portrait is the oldest and most common type of images on banknotes today. His appearance on the money of the respective country is evidence of a fairly high level of national cohesion. The portrait on the banknote is the heroes of the nation, its personal impersonation. To nominate such a figure or set of figures requires an appropriate level of agreement in the country in determining national values and priorities.
The absence of personalities on the money of the Russian Federation testifies to the absence in the modern Russia of unconditionally recognized heroes of the nation.
How many seemingly critics were once addressed in the PRC to the person of Mao Zedong. However, this did not hinder the presence of his portrait on modern banknotes of China. Mao Zedong for the Chinese is the personification of the communist choice they made. Further - allegories and scenes of historically significant events. The image of various kinds of allegories and scenes of historical events on money has the highest potential in terms of value-relevant images for the state. Allegorical drawings as a rule reflect the images of labor and military valor affirmed in the corresponding society. Historical scenes on banknotes fix the starting points of state life, the choice of a development model. The most often used plots of national liberation revolutions. The Iranian money depicts the events of the Islamic revolution 1979, for the countries of Latin America - the struggle for independence in the XIX century.
The change of the graphic series on the banknotes of the Russian state reflects the historical value changes taking place with it. In accordance with this, modern money of the 1997 model marks the point of a decrease in their level of ideological loading. As a result of the monetary reform 1898 —1912. bills with portraits of Alexander III (25 rubles), Nicholas I (50 rubles), Catherine II (100 rubles), Peter I (500 rubles) circulated in the country. The personages of the kings served in this case as the personification of the Russian statehood. The selection of personalities of monarchs was carried out, obviously, according to the degree of realization in their reign of imperatives of the national state policy. There were not in this series, for example, the emperors-liberals Alexander I and Alexander II, adherents of the German order - Anna Ioannovna and Paul I.
The money marks of the Provisional Government reflected the value desacralization that occurred as a result of the February Revolution. With the disappearance of the attributes of power in the heraldic eagle power other visual signs disappear. The only image in addition to the coat of arms on fevlistkikh money was presented on the 1000 ruble bill - the facade of the building of the State Duma. The sovznaky printed before 1924 continued the line launched by the February Revolution to deprive the signs of higher meaning. The tendency of the formation of a new ideology, however, was reflected in the slogan “Workers of all countries, unite!” Duplicated in the languages of many (not only united in the Soviet community) peoples. Cyrillic here is even side by side with Chinese hieroglyphics.
From the middle of 1920's allegorical figures corresponding to the arsenal of communist ideas appear on USSR money. An engraving was placed on the silver ruble, in which the worker indicated to the peasant the way to the rising sun. The tradition of placing portrait images on banknotes is restored after twenty years of Soviet rule. On the 1937 banknotes, for the first time, a portrait of V. I. Lenin was printed. Up until the collapse of the USSR, his image was invariably present in all versions of the money series. V. I. Lenin symbolized the communist choice proclaimed by the Soviet Union. It is characteristic that no other Soviet leader was honored to be placed on banknotes.
Notable is the absence of a Leninist portrait on lower-priced money: 1 ruble, 3 ruble, 5 rubles. The portrait images of the “leader of the world proletariat” began with ten-denomination denominations. However, the presence of his "bright image" on banknotes was not to everyone's taste. Money in the voiced ideology of the Soviet man was a symbol of bourgeoisness. Communism, according to Marxist doctrine, suggested the abolition of money circulation. Hence, the characteristic pretentious appeal of the poet Andrei Voznesensky "remove Lenin from money." On banknotes of the 1938 sample, costing below the "Lenin level", images of a miner (1 ruble), Red Army soldiers (3 ruble), pilot (5 rubles) were placed. The pictorial collection as accurately as possible reflected the main tasks put forward by the state — industrialization and preparation for war.
Monuments of history and culture appear for the first time on Soviet banknotes after the reform of 1961. These were the towers of the Moscow Kremlin - the main symbol of the Soviet statehood. Shortly before the Kremlin was open to free access for visitors. Modern Russian money is in the visual plan a gallery of sights of Russian cities. A selection of species is at least random. It is not clear by what criterion the cities representing Russia were selected. Scale? Historical meaning? Regional representation? Sample of historical and cultural objects is even less clear. It is highly doubtful that they should symbolize Russia themselves. A curiosity can be considered the absence of the Moscow Kremlin among them. But there are some "remakes" of 1990's, perceived by the people so far at least ambiguously.
Thus, a monument to Yaroslav the Wise, erected in Yaroslavl in 1993, the image of which is placed on 1000 - a ruble banknote, has the informal name of a peasant with a cake (model of the city in the prince’s hand) among the local population.
And this "man with a cake" was taken as one of the national symbols of Russia. A number of objects reflected on money signs by the time of the development of a sketch of new money was in the direst state of emergency. In relation to the Krasnoyarsk railway bridge over the Yenisei, there was a general debate (and continues today) about its prompt dismantling. A good national symbol that the nation was unable to preserve. In order to increase its own vitality, Russia should form a single space of signs and symbols. It is necessary to create a pantheon of national heroes. The most accessible way of securing their images at the level of the everyday perception of the people is to place portraits of historical personalities on currency notes.
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STATE HOLIDAYS AND VALUES OF RITUALS
The value component contains any socially significant celebration. A holiday always involves a kind of celebration, but it cannot but be associated with some kind of value. The meaning of the holiday is the solemn proclamation of value. Genetically celebrations lined up in traditional society as an understanding of the factors of community vitality. The ritual contained in them symbolically consolidated the achieved understanding of the success factors of being in collective memory. Becoming an archetype, the factor was fixed in the mental foundations of the existence of a people. Holidays may vary in scale (personal, professional, regional, etc.). The most integrative of them receive the status of a nationwide. Public holidays are thus included in the structure of the ideology of the state. What is the current Russian Federation in this respect? Many of the public holidays are carried over from the Soviet red calendar. There they had quite a certain ideological positioning. Today, this ideology seems to be denied, but the holidays, which represent it, are preserved. As a result, their value content was emasculated and replaced by a kind of surrogate.
In general, this is a general trend of transformation of the holiday calendar in modern Russia. The celebration of the New Year arose and traditionally felt as a celebration of the natural annual cycle, the bend of time. Through the holiday ritual, the value of life itself was sanctified, the idea of "eternal return" was established. In the Russian tradition, the holiday was associated with the harvest (gifts of nature) and was held on September 1 (decision of the Church Council in Moscow, 1348). Transferring the celebration to 1 in January, Peter I connected him with Roman Januarius (in honor of Janus - the god of entrances and exits). In Russia, this holiday did not have much popularity. Its value has increased dramatically since the middle of the 1930's, when a number of traditional Christmas rituals were transferred to it. Christmas tree turned into a Christmas tree. Until 1936, the tree was banned as an attribute of a religious ceremony. The ban, however, was established even before the revolution in 1916 as a demonstration of the denial of German rites that were alien to Russia. During the campaign against religious remnants, the poet S. Kirsanov wrote in Komsomolskaya Pravda:
"Christmas tree dry rod
Looming in our eyes to us.
On the hat of Santa Claus;
Angela - in the teeth! ".
Today, the New Year in Russia still reproduces a significant component of Christmas semiotics. But if in the USSR it was a substitute for an undesirable Christmas, then now it has become a split. As for the idea of a vital natural cyclicity, it has completely disappeared. The most popular Russian holiday today (94% of those celebrating) does not have any intelligible value positioning. The endless TV presentation of the same “heroes” and plentiful food. Is this holiday value? The combination of two calendar calculations in a single calendar, the Julian and the Gregorian, led to an absurd situation. As a result, the New Year is celebrated in the Gregorian calendar, and Christmas is in the Julian calendar. The result was a massive collective New Year sin, falling at the time of a strict pre-Christmas fasting. An attempt was made to protest by judicial means the decision to turn the confessional holiday into a national one. But for the Orthodox tradition, Christmas is not the main holiday date. Value this holiday (if such a hierarchy itself is appropriate) stood traditionally in Russia after Easter. Informally, it is higher in the countries of the Catholic sense. In reproducing the model of Western European Christmas holidays, modern Russian lawmakers ignore the religious tradition of Russia.
So, now the Defender of the Fatherland Day. In the USSR, the Day of the Soviet Army and Navy was of great importance for the promotion of military service. Today it is essentially just a gender holiday (the holiday of all men). The historical foundations of the holiday are very doubtful.
It is proved that the Red Army 23 of February 1918 did not win any significant victories. On the contrary, the German offensive continued near Pskov.
Moreover, it is doubtful how valuable it is to link the defense of the Fatherland with the revolutionary activities of the Bolsheviks, who at that stage proclaimed patriotism a relic of the bourgeois system. In the Russian emigration, to express the value of the state patriotic ministry, a more understandable calendar date was found - April 5, the day the Russian army celebrates under the leadership of Alexander Nevsky in the battle of Lake Peipsi (Ice Battle). In the Russian Federation, as is known, such a holiday does not exist either at the state or at the public level.
But the eighth of March is the second in the popularity rating, after the New Year, a holiday in the Russian Federation. At the same time, in terms of value, it is even more emasculated than February 23. In Soviet times, 8 Martha positioned itself as the day of international solidarity of working women. Historically, he turned to the Chicago weavers' strike in 1857, and ideologically argued for the struggle for the legal emancipation of women. In the modern interpretation of the celebration, the theme of labor equality is not present at all. The holiday has got exclusively gender character and is reduced to value celebrations in honor of the female sex. A number of thinkers representing church circles argue about the genetic connection of International Women's Day with the tradition of celebrating the Jewish Purim.
In the USSR, 1 May was celebrated as a holiday of international solidarity of working people. Of all the celebrations, he most closely related to the ideology of the world's first non-exploitative state of workers. The first decades of Soviet power. May Day was the main national holiday in the USSR. The first and second of May were officially positioned as the “days of the International”. With 1992, May Day received the name "holiday of spring and labor", paradoxically mixing in its ideological content completely different value reference points. For some reason, the natural cyclical and social values are combined. The only explanation for this is the desire to somehow dissolve the political burden of the holiday. The logic in this is visible, the work in the country is not in honor, and it is not necessary to celebrate about it.
The main holiday of modern Russia is Victory Day. The victory over Nazi Germany and its allies achieved in 1945 can be considered as the apogee of the history of the Russian state, the highest point of its geopolitical position in the world.
In contrast to the Day of Russia, which, despite the pompous name, - the most absurd in terms of value holiday in the modern Russian holiday calendar. The subject of the celebration is an appeal to the Declaration of State Sovereignty adopted by the RSFSR 12 in June 1990. The sovereignty of the Russian Federation was achieved through the destruction of the USSR, which in fact was the historical embodiment of Russia itself, such as it was formed in the history of its statehood. The Day of Russia, as the Russian Federation, has become a negation of the emerging Russian state for centuries. This is almost directly stated in the country's constitution - the state sovereignty of the USSR, as the predecessor of the Russian Federation, is ignored. It is necessary to have a high degree of cynicism, or rather political goal-setting, in order to turn state dissolution into a national holiday and assign it to the same name for the Day of Russia.
But in itself an appeal to the spiritual feat of the people in 1612 could be regarded as Russia's return to the national value paradigm. Certain historical inaccuracies in the dating are not of fundamental importance here. For a holiday, a historical myth rather than scientific consistency is more needed. Another thing is that the Day of National Unity in the Russian holiday calendar became the replacement of the celebrations popular with a significant part of the people on the occasion of the Great October Socialist Revolution. Replacement could not be successful due to differences in the types of values of these holidays. The celebration of 7 November appeals to a new ideological project, the society of the future. "Communism is the youth of the world, and erect it for the young!"
At the heart of the holiday 4 November is an appeal to the value of Russian national unity, consecrated by Orthodoxy.
When reforming the holiday calendar of Russia, along with the Great October Socialist Revolution, Constitution Day was also canceled. In addition to opportunistic considerations on the reduction of one non-working day, the presence of some logic in this decision is not traceable. It looks especially surprising in the context of the constant appeals of representatives of the modern Russian authorities to the inviolability of constitutional legislation. The holiday, which focuses on the values of law and law, is in the state holiday calendar of most countries of the modern world, and in this regard, its abolition in Russia looks unnatural. The number of non-working days allocated for public holidays is impressive - 44 days. 17% annual working time canceled. 17% GDP growth per year canceled? Country prescribed to idle, and not to work? The country should not work, but only trade in raw materials and buy ready-made cars and food abroad? Where, then, is state sovereignty? Even the world crisis does not deal such a blow to the economy. In the Russian Empire, the religious component of the holidays dominated the value.
The preservation of the festive dates of the ROC in the official state calendar lasted until 1928. It is surprising that the festive grid of the first decade of Soviet power was more intense in terms of religion compared with the current situation. Within the framework of the ideological project, holidays celebrating the idea of social liberation of humanity and building a society of the future were especially emphasized in the USSR holiday calendar. In modern Russia, there is a gap in the public holidays of the following values: the values of legality, law and order; values of national traditions; social liberation, social reconciliation; the image of a national leader; family values. Especially difficult situation - with the values of national traditions.
In other countries, this type of holiday is one of the most popular. In Russia, not only for the days determined by the state as non-working, but also among the many lower-level holidays there is not one who in any way represents the Russian national traditions. Neither normative legal acts, nor state symbols, nor ritual are used by the Russian state for the purposes of proclamation and securing national values in the consciousness of society. This greatly affects the potentials of the country's statehood. Many of her troubles begin "from the devastation in the head," ie, from the lack of a system of identical Russian (Russian) civilization, morally defined creative values.
Moreover, it is precisely these values that are being destroyed in modern Russia with the aim of geopolitical and ideological transformation of the country into a third-grade dependent country. In the limit - also dissected by the scenario of the USSR. The country must learn to manage values, restore and protect national values. Each of the existing and existing serious states directly or indirectly pursues value-oriented policies, has and relies on its own national idea. Values are replaced by anti-values, and the state perishes. Russia has a serious lesson - the collapse of the USSR. They did not fight with him, they laid him out. Decomposition is in modern Russia.
In many ways, therefore, Mikhalkov hesitated, and looked like a schoolboy who did not learn a lesson. Yes, everything great, bright, rational, good, eternal, that was in our thousand-year history is now smeared with dirt and subject to reproach, but it was and the world will have to put up with it. We won the Second World War and were the first in space, we made so many discoveries, wrote so many great works and did so many great things that the whole world is in our debt. And Comrade Gozman did nothing - he is a man without a Motherland, without a heart, without support, therefore he hates Russia, its great people and its achievements. Probably does not believe in God. And we believe, because we are Russians and God is with us!
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