The "new left" and the "revolution" of 1968: how the fight against inequality was transformed into a cult of repentance, a culture of cancellation and a dictatorship of minorities
The end of the twentieth century was the triumph of liberal democracy, which allowed some philosophers and researchers to even talk about the "end of stories". The American historian John Lukacs, in his book The End of the Twentieth Century and the End of Modernity, in which he tried to sum up the results of the XNUMXth century, rightly noted that
“Democracy has now become as ubiquitous as it is oppressive because of popularity based on the lowest standards, when popularity itself is subject to manipulation and can be produced by the publicity machine [3].”
Conservative critic of liberalism Patrick Buchanan, in turn, stated that the liberal left took over not only art, theater, literature, music and ballet, but also cinema, photography, education and the media. Through the management of culture, the left imposes its morality on society, which is based on two axioms: first, there are no absolute values in the universe, there are no uniform standards of beauty and ugliness, good and evil; the second is that in a universe devoid of God, the left is the sole judge of human deeds [4].
Anti-colonialism, anti-racism, repentance for one's cult past, political correctness, which is expressed primarily in the tabooing of certain topics, the "new sincerity" (or "new ethics"), the culture of cancellation - are an integral part of modern Western liberal democracy, which in the second half of the twentieth century has undergone a transformation. One of the factors that contributed to this transformation was the "revolution" of 1968.
As the historian Oleg Plenkov notes in his scientific work “The Revolution of 1968: Epoch, Phenomenon, Legacy”, as a result of the events of 1968, the old norms of behavior were destroyed, and a vacuum appeared in their place. The old system of values was destroyed, and the new one was not created.
“The paradox characteristic of the end of the 20th century is that, by all criteria of social well-being and stability, life in the reactionary, but with traditional social structures of Northern Ireland, with its unemployment and the problems that arose as a result of an ongoing 1-year civil war, was better and actually safer than life in most major cities of Great Britain [XNUMX]”,
the historian notes.
What was the phenomenon of the "revolution" of 1968 and how did it contribute to the transformation of Western democracy? Who are the "new left"? Why have anti-racism, anti-colonialism and the cultivation of guilt become an integral part of the left-liberal politics of today's West? What is political correctness and cancellation culture? We will try to answer these questions in this article.
The phenomenon of "revolution" 1968
The phenomenon of the "revolution" of 1968 is so unusual that it often baffles many researchers. The fact is that the protests of students and youth in the late 1960s, which engulfed France, Italy, Germany, the USA, Japan and a number of other countries, came as a surprise to the authorities and traditional parties, since they took place against the backdrop of an obvious economic growth - a recession. started already in the 1970s. For this reason, it cannot be said that the events of 1968 were due to socio-economic reasons.
So in 1958-1973. The French economy showed the highest growth rates in its history. By the end of this period, the index of annual growth was one point higher than the previous record highs of the 1950s [5]. The growth of industrial development amounted to 1950-10% in the 15s, and in 1968-1969. - 12 %. In the 1960s alone, national income doubled.
In Germany, the period of rapid and continuous economic growth from the mid-50s to the end of the 60s was called the "German economic miracle" - industrial production increased by 1948 times from 1964 to 6, agricultural production from 1950 to 1964 increased by 2,5, 1964 times, in 6, there were practically no unemployed in the country. Due to unparalleled economic growth, the German government decided to use excess funds to expand the social security system and create public services, in particular, pensions were increased unprecedentedly [XNUMX]. In terms of economic growth, Germany significantly outperformed the United States.
Economic growth also occurred in Italy, which in the 1960s turned into a highly developed industrial country. This became possible, among other things, thanks to significant public investment and American economic assistance provided under the Marshall Plan.
Thus, the 1960s were a time of unprecedented economic growth in most of the Western world, accompanied by rising living standards and increased consumption. The society of that time is quite often characterized by the phrase "abundant society".
Often the reason for the start of mass protests of students and youth is the opposition of the authorities to the requirements of the democratization of the education system, however, as the historian Oleg Plenkov notes, the crisis in the education system was not the real cause of the revolution - problems with the organization and conduct of the educational process served only as an excuse for protests.
What were the students protesting against?
In many ways, against the patriarchal bourgeois mores. In particular, as historians note, in those days the birth of an illegitimate child was a scandal and a shame for a woman, abortions were prohibited, except for medical reasons, divorce was extremely difficult, etc. The younger generation did not like all this. In addition, the youth protested against a "bourgeois society" divided by class and racial differences.
The youth at that time questioned the power as such, even despite the fact that it was democratically legitimized, they were annoyed by any restrictions, even objectively necessary ones. The goal of the protests is the maximum personal freedom without regard to responsibility to other people [1]. At the same time, among the workers, student unrest caused a rather weak reaction - the exception was France, where the workers were active.
The revolutionaries of 1968 showed contempt for traditional customs - drugs, sex, a disharmonic new style of dress, an abundance of obscene speech were part of the events of 1968. Millions of people experimented with drugs and tried new forms of sexual life with a fatal outcome, having received severe mental disorders in return [1].
The ideas that brought upheaval were mostly left-leaning, as the Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm noted, 1968 gave birth to a general vogue for Marxist theory (usually in versions that would have amazed Marx himself) and many different Marxist-Leninist sects and groups , united on the basis of criticism of Moscow and the old communist parties as insufficiently revolutionary and Leninist [8].
The sudden outbreak of student protests was closely associated with the “new left”, which, unlike the former left, which believed in the revolutionary potential of the working class, turned away from the former communist parties, but retained faith in the peculiarly understood Leninism, Trotskyism, Maoism and other ideological myths [7 ]. For the "new left" and for the "revolutionaries" in 1968 in general, there were three Ms: Marx, Mao and Marcuse. Herbert Marcuse was especially popular with students, the most common among students were his texts "Eros and Civilization" and "One-Dimensional Man" [1].
All over the world, the ideas of romantic Marxism inspired people who fought against imperialism, who opposed them to the principles of Soviet Marxism, which loudly declared itself after the entry of Soviet troops into Czechoslovakia. In the new pantheon of left-wing heroes, Ho Chi Minh took the place next to Che Guevara. People remembered his open defiance of the United States, and few understood the peculiarities of his policies. Stalin was definitely excluded from this pantheon [2].
In 1968, the unrest of students and workers in the West and the "Prague Spring" in the East threw a serious challenge to all orthodox communist parties, whose leadership was afraid to give up their positions to the new radical left movements [2]. For Moscow, "Marxism" in this form was an uncomfortable competitor in the communist movement.
It is interesting that the “revolutionaries” of 1968 did not have any positive program - the indignation of the youth was caused by various reasons and they were united only by the desire for rebellion and a distinct hostility to authoritarianism, in whatever form it manifested itself. In countries with a totalitarian past - Germany and Italy - students demanded that the older generation answer for the crimes committed, which everyone seemed to have forgotten. In Belgium, students opposed the dominance of the French language in Flemish universities, and in the United States they opposed the Vietnam War.
In other words, there was no unifying common principle in these protests [7].
As Oleg Plenkov rightly points out,
“68th cannot be reduced to one thing: the student movement, the youth uprising, the conflict of generations, social protest, the cultural revolution. But one thing is clear: even fifty years later, the 68th is relevant and alive ...
What followed in 68 was the subcultural erosion of the old world, not the changes in the political order desired by the students or the overcoming of the capitalist system. The 68th is the mark of the transition to a post-industrial and post-socialist society. And the signs of this transition are not always positive, so the legacy of 1968 is usually denounced for the fall in the birth rate, boundless hedonism, the feminist destruction of motherhood, the unemployed, not striving for employment, the decline of former values [1].”
What followed in 68 was the subcultural erosion of the old world, not the changes in the political order desired by the students or the overcoming of the capitalist system. The 68th is the mark of the transition to a post-industrial and post-socialist society. And the signs of this transition are not always positive, so the legacy of 1968 is usually denounced for the fall in the birth rate, boundless hedonism, the feminist destruction of motherhood, the unemployed, not striving for employment, the decline of former values [1].”
Rejection of old values and triumph of nihilism and hedonism
The youth revolution of 1968 had a pronounced hedonistic character, given the sexual revolution, drugs and rock music. If fascism, Nazism, Bolshevism - also predominantly youth movements - were characterized by asceticism, discipline, adherence to classical culture, selflessness in realizing the goals of the movement, then the “revolution” of 1968 was a completely different phenomenon. The difference is related to the experience of generations - the carefree and prosperous "generation of the Beatles" simply did not understand the problems that their fathers once plagued [1].
Criticism by students of "bourgeois society" in terms of alienation resulted in demonstrative glorification and drug use. Meanwhile, the use of drugs was officially considered illegal, so that the very fact of smoking marijuana (the most popular drug among Western youth in the 1960s) was a demonstration not only of defiance of those who prohibited it, but also of superiority over them. Thus, the boundaries between the urge to smoke weed and the desire to build barricades were often blurred [1].
The main theorist of confrontational tactics, one of the leaders of the American "new left" Jerry Rubin wrote:
“Fulfill our demands and we will immediately put forward a dozen new ones…
We put forward at this meeting precisely such demands that the establishment obviously cannot fulfill ...
If our demands are not met, we scream, yell, filled with righteous anger. The goal doesn't matter. Tactics, real actions, that's what matters [1]."
We put forward at this meeting precisely such demands that the establishment obviously cannot fulfill ...
If our demands are not met, we scream, yell, filled with righteous anger. The goal doesn't matter. Tactics, real actions, that's what matters [1]."
As the historian A. Yakovlev notes, in the 1960s, a youth culture, new moral standards and a new way of life arose in the industrial Western society. This culture was characterized by a nihilistic element, a denial of the "old" morality and the entire "old" order of life. In fact, the revolution set as its goal the personal and social liberation of the individual from the fetters of the state and parents, laws and customs. These foundations were shaken by extremist actions, free sex and drugs, which, of course, existed before, but since 1968 became public, were turned into normative [9].
Another stemming from the values of the 50-60s. XX century has become the norm of "reasonable egoism". Why waste your life on something that goes against the natural and reasonable desires and needs of a person - to be a victim of orthodox religious and social dogmas, to master an unnecessary profession, or to do something else that destroys one's own personality? The famous philosopher Guy Debord, the author of the critical manifesto The Society of the Spectacle, became the theorist of these views.
The main ideas of this fashionable European trend and a closed community, which included many creative personalities, then seemed shockingly radical: do not work, but parasitize, appropriate everything you like, turn life into a direct creative act (i.e. "into performance") , to fool and in every possible way use those who do not understand this. The main slogan and idea proposed by the situationists and widely supported during the student revolt of 1968 was the famous call "Never work!" [10].
Supporters of the "situationist international" believed that the West had achieved abundance sufficient for communism, which means it was time to arrange a "revolution of everyday life." This meant refusing to work, submit to authority, pay taxes, comply with the requirements of laws and public morality. Everyone should engage in free creativity, and the “kingdom of freedom” will come [1].
The events of 1968 had serious consequences. In particular, after 1968 there began a dramatic change in social norms that guided sexual behavior, partnership and reproduction - this was the time of the sexual revolution. In Paris, for example, students from the University of Nantes opposed the rules set in hostels, demanding from the directorate the right to sleep together.
The sexual revolution initiated a turn away from the special significance and value of labor morality and asceticism - towards hedonism and individualism. The May 1968 slogan “when I think about the revolution, I want to fuck” would have confused not only Lenin, but even the Viennese communist Ruth Fischer, who advocated sexual freedom [1].
As Patrick Buchanan points out, back in the 1950s, divorce was a scandal, a "shake of the foundations" worthy only of the dregs of society, abortion was considered a crime, and homosexuality was "a love that dare not call itself." Today, half of all marriages end in divorce, instead of family life they prefer to talk about “relationships”, and love, which once did not dare to name itself, is now loudly broadcasting from all sides [4].
Proponents of the new Marxism (which was driven by the philosophers of the Frankfurt School, in particular Herbert Marcuse) were driven not by historical materialism, but by aversion to bourgeois Christian civilization. It is not at all clear how feminism or the protection of the rights of homosexuals follow from adherence to Marxism? The answer to this question is given by Patrick Buchanan in his book Death of the West, which describes the attack on "bourgeois morality" undertaken by the intellectuals of the Frankfurt School as a new and dangerous phase of the war of Marxism against the Christian society of the West [1].
According to Buchan, Marcuse, Adorno, Horkheimer, and Fromm were radicals who transformed Marxism from an economic doctrine into an instrument of moral overthrow. Of course, some readers may not agree with this opinion, but the nature of the protest movements in recent decades has indeed undergone significant changes.
The protest movements that have now engulfed the United States and Western Europe (such as BLM, MeToo, etc.) show that the origins of social discontent have changed significantly. If earlier they were associated with the motives of class inequality and exploitation, now the ideological protest against the violation of the existential rights of citizens, the possibility of their free self-realization and self-expression begins to dominate [11]. We are talking about the fight against racial, gender, sexual and other "prejudices", which, according to the protesters, must be eliminated by the most decisive means [11].
Thus, the "new left", modern socialists, criticize "world capitalism", patriarchy, white supremacy, fight for the rights of "colored" and sexual minorities.
How are the "new left" different from the old and what is their political program? And why is it precisely thanks to them that political correctness and a culture of cancellation have become the norm in the West? Why have anti-racism, anti-colonialism and the cultivation of guilt about one's past become the norm in the West? What are the results of anti-colonialism and anti-racism?
We will talk about this in the second part of the material.
To be continued ...
Использованная литература:
[1]. Plenkov O. Yu. "Revolution" of 1968: era, phenomenon, legacy. - St. Petersburg: Vladimir Dal, 2023.
[2]. Priestland D.P. Red Flag: A History of Communism; [per. from English] / David Priestland. – M.: Eksmo, 2011.
[3]. Lukacs D. The end of the twentieth century and the end of the modern era. - St. Petersburg, 2003.
[4]. Patrick J. Buchanan. Death of the West. – M.: AST, 2003.
[5]. Khudokormov A. G. “The Economic Miracle” in France: Formation and Results of the Dirigiste Model in 1944–1973. World of New Economy, 2019.
[6]. Plenkov, O. Yu. Recent history of European and American countries: a textbook for universities / O. Yu. Plenkov. - 3rd ed., revised. and additional - Moscow: Yurayt Publishing House, 2023.
[7]. Baryshnikov V. N., Borisenko V. N., Plenkov O. Yu. Cultural outcomes of the youth revolution // Bulletin of St. Petersburg University. Story. 2021. V. 66. Issue. 3. S. 1012–1026.
[8]. Hobsbawm E. The Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century (1914–1991). – M.: Nezavisimaya Gazeta Publishing House, 2004.
[9]. Yakovlev A.I. Experience of the 1968 Revolution and the Arab Spring. Eastern Analytics. - 2012. - No. 3. - p. 186–194.
[10]. Petrov V. E. Practices of idleness, inaction and escapism in youth communities of the XNUMXth century. as a strategy for the elitization of the individual. [Electronic resource] URL: https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/praktiki-prazdnosti-nedeyaniya-i-eskapizma-v-molodezhnyh-soobschestvah-hh-v-kak-strategii-elitizatsii-lichnosti.
[eleven]. Diagnosis of modernity and global social challenges in socio-philosophical reflection: monograph / [Momdzhyan K. Kh. et al.]; comp. Momjyan K. H., Tsurkan E. G.; Moscow State Univ. MV Lomonosov, Department of Social Philosophy and Philosophy of History of the Faculty of Philosophy. - Moscow: Logos Publishing House, NPT LLC, 11.
Information