Kornilov revolt of the year 1917: unsuccessful right turn attempt
In the chaotic kaleidoscope of events in Russia that followed the February Revolution, the mutiny of General L. G. Kornilov stands out. Historians still break spears: what assessment is valid for the August 1917 events of the year? How would events develop in Russia, if Kornilov’s performance was successful?
It seems that the reflections around these events will be conducted for a long time ...
The atmosphere in Petrograd has been hectic since the spring of 17. In an atmosphere of complete impasse, which by this time was the army (already practically not fighting and standing on the verge of complete decomposition), most people in army circles saw the only way out of the current situation to introduce military dictatorship.
The idea of a “strong hand” of vital also in the circles of a significant part of the former tsarist bureaucracy, which connected with the new change of power hopes of returning to public service.
Even in the Provisional Government itself, there were moderate revolutionaries (mostly from among the “Cadets”) who were disappointed in the endless stream of slogans and exhortations at rallies, and also saw salvation in establishing a dictatorship.
The ministers of the Provisional Government and A. F. Kerensky himself were very apprehensive about the exaggerated threat of the Bolshevik uprising at that time. Kerensky, after the July Bolshevik speech, attempted to disband and remove regiments infected with Bolshevik propaganda from the city (the Soldier’s section of the Petrograd Soviet, however, refused to make this decision valid).
Kerensky, realizing that he was losing control over the current situation, also decided to rely on the army and replaces the “socialist and republican” Brusilov Kornilov as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the army.
The identity of Kornilov became known in Russia after the events of the 1916 year, when he managed to escape from the Austrian captivity. 2 March 1917 Kornilov on behalf of the Chief of General Staff General Mikhnevich byd was appointed by Nicholas II Commander of the Petrograd Military District.
Lavr Kornilov was a supporter of the most stringent measures in the establishment of order. Among his demands were: the introduction of the death penalty in the rear and at the front, the complete subordination of the transport industry to the high command, engaging the work of industry exclusively for front-line needs and abstraction of political leadership from military affairs.
A separate point of Lavr Georgievich’s program was the “unloading” of Petrograd from undesirable and harmful military elements. It was planned, with the help of front-line units that retained their combat readiness, to disarm the Petrograd garrison and bring the revolutionary troops to the front. The Kronstadt garrison at the same time was subject to complete liquidation, as the main center of revolutionary sentiment. Petrograd itself was supposed to be transferred to martial law.
The plans for the "unloading" of Petrograd are already showing disagreement for political purposes, which its organizers set themselves. A.F. Kerensky was preparing the ground for getting rid of the influence of the Soviets and for concentrating individual power in his own hands. The military generals (generally opposition to the Provisional Government) relied on military dictatorship.
Kornilov himself, who feels like an electrified atmosphere, fueled by ordinary people tired of chaos and disorder, as if he believed at that moment in his exclusivity and the privacy of what he should be at the head of the country.
Despite the fact that Kornilov was considered a bad politician even in his inner circle, Lavr Georgievich developed an entire political program before the rebellion. It included many points: restoring the disciplinary right of commanders in the army and navy, the removal of the commissars of the Provisional Government from interfering in the actions of officers, restricting the rights of soldiers' committees, banning rallies in the army and strikes at defense plants, In addition, Kornilov proposed to transfer to martial law the entire railway system, industry that worked for front-line needs, and the law about the sweeping execution to extend to the rear.
The political part of the Kornilov program included the abolition of the Soviets in the rear and at the front, the prohibition of the activities of trade union committees in factories, the introduction of censorship into the army press. The supreme power was to pass to the Council of National Defense, which would include Kornilov himself, Kerensky, A. V. Kolchak, B. V. Savinkov, and others.
The All-Russian Constituent Assembly was supposed to be convened either after the end of the war, or to convene it and dissolve in case of disagreement with the decisions adopted by the top military dictators.
Conceiving his speech in Petrograd, Lavr Kornilov was counting on the support of organizations such as the Union of Officers, the Military League, and the leadership of these organizations Kornilov was proposed a plan for an attack on Petrograd. Under the justification that 27 August, in honor of the half year after the overthrow of the royal power, leftist forces will begin demonstrations in the capital, which then turn into riots in order to seize power, Kornilov (legally, in coordination with Kerensky) began to transfer military units to the capital. It was the division of General A. Krymov's 3 Cavalry Corps and the Indigenous (informally called "Wild", consisting of Caucasian cavalry soldiers), Lieutenant-General D. P. Bagration. In addition, the cavalry corps of Major General A. N. Dolgorukov was moving from Petrograd from the north from Finland to Petrograd.
On August 25, units loyal to Kornilov were advanced to Petrograd, counting on everything else on the support of officers loyal to him who had previously left for the city, who had collaborated with the Union of Officers, the Military League and other organizations. At the same time, Kornilov also counted on the support of the Government, considering petty disagreements with Prime Minister Kerensky to be insignificant in their common goal: the exercise of dictatorial power in Russia.
Alexander Kerensky, however, as it turned out, had his own point of view on the developing events. Sensing that something serious is being planned, he refuses the Cadets' demand to “surrender power” and goes on the attack, signing the decree on 27 in August to remove L. G. Kornilov from the post of Commander in Chief and declare him a rebel. Kerensky dismisses the cabinet, appropriates "dictatorial powers" and declares himself the Supreme Commander. Kerensky refused any negotiations with Kornilov.
At that moment, Kornilov was already in a losing position: by the actions of the Belarusian Soviets, the military headquarters (located in Mogilev) was cut off from the front-line territories, army soldiers' committees of the armies of the South-Western front arrested their commanders, and A. I. Denikin was arrested . Other supporters of Kornilov were also isolated at the front, in other Russian cities (General Krymov, who realized the futility of rebel actions, shot himself 31 August). Lavr Kornilov himself was arrested on September 2.
After the failure of the Kornilov revolt, Alexander Kerensky proclaimed Russia a republic, power passed to the Directory consisting of five people headed by him.
Thus, it can be said that Kerensky, in his striving for balancing between the left forces that prevailed in the Soviets and the army circles holding to the right hard positions, at a certain moment (actually threatening his powerful ambitions) chose the first. As a result, the political influence of the Soviets has increased in the country, and as a result, the Bolsheviks.
Generals, prisoners of Bykhov prison in the fall of 1917. By numbers: 1. L. G. Kornilov. 2. A. I. Denikin. 3. G.M. Vannovsky. 4. I. G. Erdelyi. 5. E. F. Elsner. 6. A. S. Lukomsky. 7. V.N. Kislyakov. 8. I. P. Romanovsky. 9. S.L. Markov. 10. M. I. Orlov. 11. L.N. Novosiltsev. 12. V.M. Pronin. 13. I. G. Sots. 14. S.N. Ryasnyansky. 15. V. Ye. Rozhenko. 16. A.P. Bragin. 17. I. A. Rodionov. 18. G. L. Chunikhin. 19. V.V. Kletsand. 20. S.F. Nikitin. Autumn 1917 of the year
It seems that the reflections around these events will be conducted for a long time ...
Lavr Kornilov takes a show 1917 year
The atmosphere in Petrograd has been hectic since the spring of 17. In an atmosphere of complete impasse, which by this time was the army (already practically not fighting and standing on the verge of complete decomposition), most people in army circles saw the only way out of the current situation to introduce military dictatorship.
The idea of a “strong hand” of vital also in the circles of a significant part of the former tsarist bureaucracy, which connected with the new change of power hopes of returning to public service.
Even in the Provisional Government itself, there were moderate revolutionaries (mostly from among the “Cadets”) who were disappointed in the endless stream of slogans and exhortations at rallies, and also saw salvation in establishing a dictatorship.
The ministers of the Provisional Government and A. F. Kerensky himself were very apprehensive about the exaggerated threat of the Bolshevik uprising at that time. Kerensky, after the July Bolshevik speech, attempted to disband and remove regiments infected with Bolshevik propaganda from the city (the Soldier’s section of the Petrograd Soviet, however, refused to make this decision valid).
Kerensky, realizing that he was losing control over the current situation, also decided to rely on the army and replaces the “socialist and republican” Brusilov Kornilov as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the army.
The identity of Kornilov became known in Russia after the events of the 1916 year, when he managed to escape from the Austrian captivity. 2 March 1917 Kornilov on behalf of the Chief of General Staff General Mikhnevich byd was appointed by Nicholas II Commander of the Petrograd Military District.
Lavr Kornilov was a supporter of the most stringent measures in the establishment of order. Among his demands were: the introduction of the death penalty in the rear and at the front, the complete subordination of the transport industry to the high command, engaging the work of industry exclusively for front-line needs and abstraction of political leadership from military affairs.
A separate point of Lavr Georgievich’s program was the “unloading” of Petrograd from undesirable and harmful military elements. It was planned, with the help of front-line units that retained their combat readiness, to disarm the Petrograd garrison and bring the revolutionary troops to the front. The Kronstadt garrison at the same time was subject to complete liquidation, as the main center of revolutionary sentiment. Petrograd itself was supposed to be transferred to martial law.
The plans for the "unloading" of Petrograd are already showing disagreement for political purposes, which its organizers set themselves. A.F. Kerensky was preparing the ground for getting rid of the influence of the Soviets and for concentrating individual power in his own hands. The military generals (generally opposition to the Provisional Government) relied on military dictatorship.
Kornilov himself, who feels like an electrified atmosphere, fueled by ordinary people tired of chaos and disorder, as if he believed at that moment in his exclusivity and the privacy of what he should be at the head of the country.
Despite the fact that Kornilov was considered a bad politician even in his inner circle, Lavr Georgievich developed an entire political program before the rebellion. It included many points: restoring the disciplinary right of commanders in the army and navy, the removal of the commissars of the Provisional Government from interfering in the actions of officers, restricting the rights of soldiers' committees, banning rallies in the army and strikes at defense plants, In addition, Kornilov proposed to transfer to martial law the entire railway system, industry that worked for front-line needs, and the law about the sweeping execution to extend to the rear.
The political part of the Kornilov program included the abolition of the Soviets in the rear and at the front, the prohibition of the activities of trade union committees in factories, the introduction of censorship into the army press. The supreme power was to pass to the Council of National Defense, which would include Kornilov himself, Kerensky, A. V. Kolchak, B. V. Savinkov, and others.
The All-Russian Constituent Assembly was supposed to be convened either after the end of the war, or to convene it and dissolve in case of disagreement with the decisions adopted by the top military dictators.
General L. G. Kornilov and B. V. Savinkov
Conceiving his speech in Petrograd, Lavr Kornilov was counting on the support of organizations such as the Union of Officers, the Military League, and the leadership of these organizations Kornilov was proposed a plan for an attack on Petrograd. Under the justification that 27 August, in honor of the half year after the overthrow of the royal power, leftist forces will begin demonstrations in the capital, which then turn into riots in order to seize power, Kornilov (legally, in coordination with Kerensky) began to transfer military units to the capital. It was the division of General A. Krymov's 3 Cavalry Corps and the Indigenous (informally called "Wild", consisting of Caucasian cavalry soldiers), Lieutenant-General D. P. Bagration. In addition, the cavalry corps of Major General A. N. Dolgorukov was moving from Petrograd from the north from Finland to Petrograd.
On August 25, units loyal to Kornilov were advanced to Petrograd, counting on everything else on the support of officers loyal to him who had previously left for the city, who had collaborated with the Union of Officers, the Military League and other organizations. At the same time, Kornilov also counted on the support of the Government, considering petty disagreements with Prime Minister Kerensky to be insignificant in their common goal: the exercise of dictatorial power in Russia.
Alexander Kerensky, however, as it turned out, had his own point of view on the developing events. Sensing that something serious is being planned, he refuses the Cadets' demand to “surrender power” and goes on the attack, signing the decree on 27 in August to remove L. G. Kornilov from the post of Commander in Chief and declare him a rebel. Kerensky dismisses the cabinet, appropriates "dictatorial powers" and declares himself the Supreme Commander. Kerensky refused any negotiations with Kornilov.
At that moment, Kornilov was already in a losing position: by the actions of the Belarusian Soviets, the military headquarters (located in Mogilev) was cut off from the front-line territories, army soldiers' committees of the armies of the South-Western front arrested their commanders, and A. I. Denikin was arrested . Other supporters of Kornilov were also isolated at the front, in other Russian cities (General Krymov, who realized the futility of rebel actions, shot himself 31 August). Lavr Kornilov himself was arrested on September 2.
After the failure of the Kornilov revolt, Alexander Kerensky proclaimed Russia a republic, power passed to the Directory consisting of five people headed by him.
Thus, it can be said that Kerensky, in his striving for balancing between the left forces that prevailed in the Soviets and the army circles holding to the right hard positions, at a certain moment (actually threatening his powerful ambitions) chose the first. As a result, the political influence of the Soviets has increased in the country, and as a result, the Bolsheviks.
The case of General Kornilov
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