"Racism is the opposite." What awaits modern France?
In December, the 2017 year in France must undergo a series of trainings against racism. Well, the reason is quite noble, if only the actions were not organized by “racists on the contrary”. The fact that uncontrolled flows of migrants have long ago changed the ethnic and religious image of modern France is well known. But increasingly, migrants are beginning to claim not only social support from the state, but also political influence. There are more and more of them, which means that they can no longer only ask, but also demand.
Back in 1970 - 1980 - years migrants from African and Middle Eastern countries could really talk about some kind of discrimination. At that time, ultra-right nationalists were active, including overt racists who committed crimes against visitors. In 1990, the situation began to change, and now it’s time for the French, not migrants, to worry. Moreover, the "quality" of migrants has changed. In place of bona fide "workers" came "hunters for benefits." As for the second and third generation of migrants, many of their representatives could not (or did not want to?) Fit into the social life of French society. The areas inhabited by migrants turned into modern “ghettos”. It was about them the French philosopher Jean Baudrillard wrote: “burn and rob the best that it can offer - cars, schools, shopping centers. Kindergartens! This is exactly what we wanted to integrate immigrants with. ”
By the way, a significant part of the terrorists who participated in the attacks on European cities are representatives of the second and third generation. They are no longer migrants. They are French citizens, with non-French names only. Most of them are from a socially disadvantaged environment, marginalized, prone to committing crimes, anti-social behavior, drug use. The protest against the values of European society, against the foundations of the most European civilization became for them a new ideology. Moreover, this ideology can take both religious (fundamentalism) and political (“leftism”) forms.
Modern European "anti-fascism", "anti-racism" - this is also a form of ideology. In fact, representatives of these organizations are not against racism, but against Europeans as such. They are willing to accept only those Europeans who endlessly “repent” of colonialism and imperialism. Today, the label "racist" or "Nazi" can be hung on almost any European, if he even for a second thinks about the problems associated with the presence of countless migrants.
Ahead of the "anti-racists", as usual, the French leftists. Among them, there are more and more immigrants from the countries of Asia and Africa who understand the modern social class confrontation as the struggle of the “world periphery” against the “golden billion”.
The radical union SUD, which is going to organize “anti-racist trainings,” simply banned entry to its events for all “whites”. Of course, such SUD groups are not so influential, occupying a rather marginal position in French politics. But if we talk about the "system", parliamentary politics, and on the streets of cities, especially on the outskirts of Paris, in Marseille, "racists on the contrary" gradually begin to "rule the ball." Already, there are areas where the French and other Europeans do not dare to go, and the police and gendarmes appear in large groups and are well-armed.
Of course, it would be wrong to classify all or even the majority of migrants living in France as antisocial groups. As elsewhere, normal people predominate among them, but they do not control the streets of French cities, they don’t fight the police on the barricades, commit acts of terrorism or trade in drugs. All this makes a minority, but it is too active and noticeable. Everyone suffers from the actions of the radicals, including their own fellow tribesmen. French citizens of Arab and African descent have long and in large numbers served in the gendarmerie, the police, the army. Among them are many entrepreneurs whose shops and cafes suffer during street riots. Of course, bombs or trucks of terrorists do not choose their victims on the basis of nationality or religion.
However, “racists on the contrary” explicitly state that in France there are “too many whites”, it’s time to change the ethnic and racial composition of the country's population. Joan Louis, representing the organization of immigrants from African and Asian countries CRAN argues that the French government adheres to the ideology of "state racism." This is, of course, a lie. In France, even the official notion of "ethnic minority". All - and ethnic French, Basques, and Algerian or Moroccan Arabs, and Africans from Senegal, Mali and the Congo are considered to be "French" if they have French citizenship. Accordingly, from a legal point of view, we cannot talk about any policy of discrimination.
On the contrary, the French government is making very large-scale efforts to integrate visitors into French society. The problem is that a significant part of the migrants themselves are not going to integrate. It is convenient for them to live in their ethnic quarters, “ghettos”, to communicate within communities and diasporas, maximum with other migrants. It is beneficial for them to emphasize their “special status” by constantly recalling the horrors of colonialism and accusing the French state and ordinary French people of discrimination on the basis of race.
In fact, “black racism” is at least about a hundred years old. Back in the 1920s, African-American political organizations appeared in the United States that advocated “racial purity” and opposed contacts with “whites.” Further development of “black racism” was received in religious-political communities like the “Nation of Islam”. In the 1960s, when the African-American anti-segregation movement gained momentum, radical groups like Black Panthers appeared. A special contribution to the development of “black racism” was made by the theorists of the Negrit here.
The concept of self-worth and originality of the Negroid race was developed by the Senegalese poet and philosopher Leopold Sedar Senghor (later he became president of Senegal) and two people from the French colonies in the Caribbean - the poet Aime Seather from Martinique and the writer Leon Damas from French Guiana. All of them, by the way, despite the ideas of African exclusivity, received a good European education and were generally European-oriented people. Leopold Sedar Senghor (pictured), for example, studied at the Sorbonne and the Practical School of Higher Studies, received a degree in philology. Aime Sezer studied at the Higher Normal School in Paris. In France, he was educated and Leon Damas. Of course, as educated people, the founders of the Negritdu concept did not reflect on the fact that in a few decades their ideas would influence the appearance of “racism the other way around”.
The epoch of decolonization brought a new interpretation to the Negrituda. He formed the basis of a number of African nationalist ideologies, which set as their goal a return to the "origins of African civilization." At the political level, it suffices to recall the policy of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire, who was carried away by the renaming of all geographical objects bearing French names. In Angola, the Negro concept has influenced the views of the founder and leader of UNITA, Jonas Savimbi, and in Zimbabwe, the ideology of Robert Mugabe.
Soon after the liberation from colonial dependence in a number of African states, the suppression of Europeans, and indeed of all “non-natives,” began. A huge number of French settlers were forced to leave Algeria, and, being freed from French domination, many Algerians, instead of building and developing their sovereign state, preferred to emigrate to France. If in the “first wave” former colonial officials, policemen, military personnel who were guided by European culture and simply feared for their lives were leaving, the subsequent waves of migration from North Africa led to a great number of labor migrants to France, and then marginalized people parasitic and asocial lifestyle. The ideas of "racism on the contrary" came to Europe with them.
On the other hand, we should not forget about the social factors contributing to the spread of "racism, on the contrary." In France, a significant part of not only migrants, but their descendants still remains at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The absence of a normal education, qualification and profession, and often the unwillingness to do anything to change one’s social status, also has an effect. In the "ghetto" such people are comfortable - you can lead a normal life, do not work and not learn, but in every way emphasize their "otherness", the difference from the French population. Today, “white” to be in France is not fashionable. Even young people of European descent from the proletarian and lumpen-proletarian environment are trying to focus their behavior on their peers - the Arabs and Africans, adopting their behavioral patterns. Some even change religion, others are limited to just communication within the street environment. If we talk about religion, it becomes only an instrument for underlining its “other”, non-French identity.
Quite often, crimes against Europeans are committed not only out of mercenary or hooliganism, but also from “ideological” considerations. Hate based on ethnicity is added to social class hostility. That is why many French people prefer to stay away from ethnic quarters and do not advise foreign tourists - Europeans to visit them, especially at night.
Although official sources prefer to remain silent about ethnic crime, it is clear to everyone in France which environment is the most nutritious for crime. True, for the sake of justice, it is worth noting that “non-French” persons are increasingly found not only among criminals and offenders, but also among police officers. Some commit crimes, others are struggling with crime. However, in such a situation, the merging of ethnic crime with law enforcement officers is inevitable - after all, it is easier for tribesmen to find a common language with each other.
In Paris, migrants and their descendants make up at least 20% of the population. There are entire neighborhoods inhabited by representatives of specific diasporas. Here, not only the entire mosaic of the former French colonies — Algerians, Moroccans, Tunisians, Senegalese, Malians, Nigerians, Chadians, and so on — but also immigrants from China, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan, Turkey, Iran — that is, the states which were never colonies of France and had nothing to do with it. But, of course, the most numerous groups come from former French possessions in North and West Africa. They deliver the most troubles to the French police and ordinary citizens. Asians are calmer and more socialized, while immigrants from African states constitute the main part of the marginal sections of the ethnic communities of Paris (and other cities in France).
The influx of migrants to France, as we know, does not stop. This circumstance, together with the very high French standards of birth rates in migrant families, contributes to the growth of the non-French population. Hence political ambitions. In turn, more and more ethnic French people are starting to sympathize with the National Front Marie Le Pen. Paradoxically, now, at the beginning of the XXI century, it was the right that turned out to be true advocates of not only the French nation as such, but also the economic interests of French employees. And if in 1980, it was possible to say that visitors compete with local residents for jobs, now they just take money from local people - after all, benefits and various benefits for migrants and refugees are formed, including, from taxes ordinary French citizens. It turns out that the French government at the expense of taxpayers provides the very marginal layers that pose a threat to public order and the taxpayers themselves. Accordingly, nationalist sentiment among the French is growing, and the migrant environment is radicalized.
Is there a solution to the existing problem? To rectify the situation, it seems, it is possible only in the case of a fundamental review of all the foundations of the internal and foreign policies of modern France. But with a president like Emmanuel Macron, with his entourage and the French political elite in its present form, this cannot be done. After all, you need a complete rejection of the multicultural model that has dominated France in the last two decades. On the other hand, the victory of nationally oriented forces will not be allowed by either the influential leftists and liberals in France, nor the United States and the European Union, which are not interested in changing the current situation.
Back in 1970 - 1980 - years migrants from African and Middle Eastern countries could really talk about some kind of discrimination. At that time, ultra-right nationalists were active, including overt racists who committed crimes against visitors. In 1990, the situation began to change, and now it’s time for the French, not migrants, to worry. Moreover, the "quality" of migrants has changed. In place of bona fide "workers" came "hunters for benefits." As for the second and third generation of migrants, many of their representatives could not (or did not want to?) Fit into the social life of French society. The areas inhabited by migrants turned into modern “ghettos”. It was about them the French philosopher Jean Baudrillard wrote: “burn and rob the best that it can offer - cars, schools, shopping centers. Kindergartens! This is exactly what we wanted to integrate immigrants with. ”
By the way, a significant part of the terrorists who participated in the attacks on European cities are representatives of the second and third generation. They are no longer migrants. They are French citizens, with non-French names only. Most of them are from a socially disadvantaged environment, marginalized, prone to committing crimes, anti-social behavior, drug use. The protest against the values of European society, against the foundations of the most European civilization became for them a new ideology. Moreover, this ideology can take both religious (fundamentalism) and political (“leftism”) forms.
Modern European "anti-fascism", "anti-racism" - this is also a form of ideology. In fact, representatives of these organizations are not against racism, but against Europeans as such. They are willing to accept only those Europeans who endlessly “repent” of colonialism and imperialism. Today, the label "racist" or "Nazi" can be hung on almost any European, if he even for a second thinks about the problems associated with the presence of countless migrants.
Ahead of the "anti-racists", as usual, the French leftists. Among them, there are more and more immigrants from the countries of Asia and Africa who understand the modern social class confrontation as the struggle of the “world periphery” against the “golden billion”.
The radical union SUD, which is going to organize “anti-racist trainings,” simply banned entry to its events for all “whites”. Of course, such SUD groups are not so influential, occupying a rather marginal position in French politics. But if we talk about the "system", parliamentary politics, and on the streets of cities, especially on the outskirts of Paris, in Marseille, "racists on the contrary" gradually begin to "rule the ball." Already, there are areas where the French and other Europeans do not dare to go, and the police and gendarmes appear in large groups and are well-armed.
Of course, it would be wrong to classify all or even the majority of migrants living in France as antisocial groups. As elsewhere, normal people predominate among them, but they do not control the streets of French cities, they don’t fight the police on the barricades, commit acts of terrorism or trade in drugs. All this makes a minority, but it is too active and noticeable. Everyone suffers from the actions of the radicals, including their own fellow tribesmen. French citizens of Arab and African descent have long and in large numbers served in the gendarmerie, the police, the army. Among them are many entrepreneurs whose shops and cafes suffer during street riots. Of course, bombs or trucks of terrorists do not choose their victims on the basis of nationality or religion.
However, “racists on the contrary” explicitly state that in France there are “too many whites”, it’s time to change the ethnic and racial composition of the country's population. Joan Louis, representing the organization of immigrants from African and Asian countries CRAN argues that the French government adheres to the ideology of "state racism." This is, of course, a lie. In France, even the official notion of "ethnic minority". All - and ethnic French, Basques, and Algerian or Moroccan Arabs, and Africans from Senegal, Mali and the Congo are considered to be "French" if they have French citizenship. Accordingly, from a legal point of view, we cannot talk about any policy of discrimination.
On the contrary, the French government is making very large-scale efforts to integrate visitors into French society. The problem is that a significant part of the migrants themselves are not going to integrate. It is convenient for them to live in their ethnic quarters, “ghettos”, to communicate within communities and diasporas, maximum with other migrants. It is beneficial for them to emphasize their “special status” by constantly recalling the horrors of colonialism and accusing the French state and ordinary French people of discrimination on the basis of race.
In fact, “black racism” is at least about a hundred years old. Back in the 1920s, African-American political organizations appeared in the United States that advocated “racial purity” and opposed contacts with “whites.” Further development of “black racism” was received in religious-political communities like the “Nation of Islam”. In the 1960s, when the African-American anti-segregation movement gained momentum, radical groups like Black Panthers appeared. A special contribution to the development of “black racism” was made by the theorists of the Negrit here.
The concept of self-worth and originality of the Negroid race was developed by the Senegalese poet and philosopher Leopold Sedar Senghor (later he became president of Senegal) and two people from the French colonies in the Caribbean - the poet Aime Seather from Martinique and the writer Leon Damas from French Guiana. All of them, by the way, despite the ideas of African exclusivity, received a good European education and were generally European-oriented people. Leopold Sedar Senghor (pictured), for example, studied at the Sorbonne and the Practical School of Higher Studies, received a degree in philology. Aime Sezer studied at the Higher Normal School in Paris. In France, he was educated and Leon Damas. Of course, as educated people, the founders of the Negritdu concept did not reflect on the fact that in a few decades their ideas would influence the appearance of “racism the other way around”.
The epoch of decolonization brought a new interpretation to the Negrituda. He formed the basis of a number of African nationalist ideologies, which set as their goal a return to the "origins of African civilization." At the political level, it suffices to recall the policy of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire, who was carried away by the renaming of all geographical objects bearing French names. In Angola, the Negro concept has influenced the views of the founder and leader of UNITA, Jonas Savimbi, and in Zimbabwe, the ideology of Robert Mugabe.
Soon after the liberation from colonial dependence in a number of African states, the suppression of Europeans, and indeed of all “non-natives,” began. A huge number of French settlers were forced to leave Algeria, and, being freed from French domination, many Algerians, instead of building and developing their sovereign state, preferred to emigrate to France. If in the “first wave” former colonial officials, policemen, military personnel who were guided by European culture and simply feared for their lives were leaving, the subsequent waves of migration from North Africa led to a great number of labor migrants to France, and then marginalized people parasitic and asocial lifestyle. The ideas of "racism on the contrary" came to Europe with them.
On the other hand, we should not forget about the social factors contributing to the spread of "racism, on the contrary." In France, a significant part of not only migrants, but their descendants still remains at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The absence of a normal education, qualification and profession, and often the unwillingness to do anything to change one’s social status, also has an effect. In the "ghetto" such people are comfortable - you can lead a normal life, do not work and not learn, but in every way emphasize their "otherness", the difference from the French population. Today, “white” to be in France is not fashionable. Even young people of European descent from the proletarian and lumpen-proletarian environment are trying to focus their behavior on their peers - the Arabs and Africans, adopting their behavioral patterns. Some even change religion, others are limited to just communication within the street environment. If we talk about religion, it becomes only an instrument for underlining its “other”, non-French identity.
Quite often, crimes against Europeans are committed not only out of mercenary or hooliganism, but also from “ideological” considerations. Hate based on ethnicity is added to social class hostility. That is why many French people prefer to stay away from ethnic quarters and do not advise foreign tourists - Europeans to visit them, especially at night.
Although official sources prefer to remain silent about ethnic crime, it is clear to everyone in France which environment is the most nutritious for crime. True, for the sake of justice, it is worth noting that “non-French” persons are increasingly found not only among criminals and offenders, but also among police officers. Some commit crimes, others are struggling with crime. However, in such a situation, the merging of ethnic crime with law enforcement officers is inevitable - after all, it is easier for tribesmen to find a common language with each other.
In Paris, migrants and their descendants make up at least 20% of the population. There are entire neighborhoods inhabited by representatives of specific diasporas. Here, not only the entire mosaic of the former French colonies — Algerians, Moroccans, Tunisians, Senegalese, Malians, Nigerians, Chadians, and so on — but also immigrants from China, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan, Turkey, Iran — that is, the states which were never colonies of France and had nothing to do with it. But, of course, the most numerous groups come from former French possessions in North and West Africa. They deliver the most troubles to the French police and ordinary citizens. Asians are calmer and more socialized, while immigrants from African states constitute the main part of the marginal sections of the ethnic communities of Paris (and other cities in France).
The influx of migrants to France, as we know, does not stop. This circumstance, together with the very high French standards of birth rates in migrant families, contributes to the growth of the non-French population. Hence political ambitions. In turn, more and more ethnic French people are starting to sympathize with the National Front Marie Le Pen. Paradoxically, now, at the beginning of the XXI century, it was the right that turned out to be true advocates of not only the French nation as such, but also the economic interests of French employees. And if in 1980, it was possible to say that visitors compete with local residents for jobs, now they just take money from local people - after all, benefits and various benefits for migrants and refugees are formed, including, from taxes ordinary French citizens. It turns out that the French government at the expense of taxpayers provides the very marginal layers that pose a threat to public order and the taxpayers themselves. Accordingly, nationalist sentiment among the French is growing, and the migrant environment is radicalized.
Is there a solution to the existing problem? To rectify the situation, it seems, it is possible only in the case of a fundamental review of all the foundations of the internal and foreign policies of modern France. But with a president like Emmanuel Macron, with his entourage and the French political elite in its present form, this cannot be done. After all, you need a complete rejection of the multicultural model that has dominated France in the last two decades. On the other hand, the victory of nationally oriented forces will not be allowed by either the influential leftists and liberals in France, nor the United States and the European Union, which are not interested in changing the current situation.
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