"Warsaw at Your Majesty's Feet"
185 years ago, 8 September 1831, the Russian army under the command of Ivan Paskevich stormed Rebel Warsaw and suppressed an uprising that threatened the Russian Empire with serious geopolitical and strategic complications. The Polish army fled from Warsaw. Soon the remnants of the Polish troops were driven into Austria and Prussia, where they capitulated. Another part of the Polish army was blocked in Modlin and Zamost and surrendered in October 1831.
After the suppression of the uprising, Petersburg began to curtail its liberal policy towards Poland. The Polish constitution of 1815 of the year was abolished. The Russian authorities began a policy of weakening the Polish-Catholic influence on the Western Russian population of the western outskirts of the Russian Empire. This led to the forced dissolution of the Greek Catholic Church in the western provinces and the transition of local communities to Orthodoxy. However, the case was not completed and under Alexander II they again returned to a liberal policy regarding the Kingdom of Poland. The result was sad: in 1863, the Poles revolted again.
The Background of the Uprising
The long conceptual crisis of the Polish statehood and the degradation of the Polish "elite" in the 18th century led to three sections of the Commonwealth between the Kingdom of Prussia, the Russian Empire and Austria (1772 — 1795). The defeat of the Kosciuszko uprising (1794) was the reason for the final liquidation of the Polish-Lithuanian state. October 24 The 1795 of the year was the third section of the Commonwealth. Russia basically returned the West Russian lands occupied by Lithuania and the Poles in the preceding centuries. Prussia and Austria seized territories inhabited by ethnic Poles. In addition, Austria occupied a part of the ancient Russian territories - Galicia (Red Russia).
During the Napoleonic wars, Napoleon Bonaparte briefly restored the Polish state in the form of the Duchy of Warsaw (1807 year), which included Polish lands taken from Prussia and Austria. However, this state formation did not satisfy the ambitions of the Polish "elite", who dreamed of Poland "from sea to sea" with the inclusion of Lithuania and Western Russia. Therefore, Warsaw in the 1812 year announced the restoration of the Kingdom of Poland, which became the most faithful of Napoleon's allies and set up a hundred-thousandth army that fought from the first to the last day of the war. The Poles were the most faithful allies of Napoleon and dreamed with his help to restore the "Great Poland". However, their plans were destroyed by the Russian army.
3 May 1815 The Congress of Vienna approved a new partition of Poland. Krakow became the Free City; Austria received Wieliczka, Great Poland withdrew to Poland, known as the Grand Duchy of Poznan, and a large territory of the former Warsaw Duchy was transferred to Russia and formed the autonomous Kingdom of Poland. The Kingdom of Poland was a state in the status of a kingdom, which was in personal union with Russia. It was a constitutional monarchy, ruled by a two-year Sejm and the king, who was represented by the governor in Warsaw. The kingdom even had its own 30-thousand. army, staffed mainly from veterans of the Polish legions who fought during the Napoleonic wars on the side of France. Moreover, the money for weapons, uniforms and food for this army came not from the treasury of the Kingdom, but from the budget of Russia.
The generals and senior commanders who fought on the side of Napoleon, occupied a prominent position in society and in the future led the uprising against Russia. So, the future dictator of the rebels Joseph Khlopitsky was a member of the Kosciuszko uprising and actively fought for Napoleon. Participated in the campaign of Napoleon in Russia, was wounded in the battle of Borodino. In 1814, Alexander I was accepted into the army of the Kingdom of Poland with the rank of lieutenant general. Mikhail Gedeon Radzivil also fought with Russia during the Kosciuszko uprising, then commanded various Polish units in Napoleon’s Great Army. In the Kingdom of Poland he became a senator and divisional general. During the Polish uprising of 1830, after the resignation of Khlopitsky, Radziwill was elected commander of the Polish forces and led the uprising until the defeat at Grochów. Jan Skrzynetski also served in Napoleon's army and replaced Radziwill as commander-in-chief of the Polish troops. After the defeat at Ostrolenka gave way to Dembinsky. Heinrich Dembinskiy also served in Napoleon’s army and fought with the Russians. Another commander of the Polish troops, Kazimir Malakhovsky, served Napoleon. One of the Warsaw Governor-Generals and Presidents of the National Government during the uprising 1830 — 1831. - Jan Stefan Krukovetsky, participated in Napoleon's campaigns, including the Russian 1812 campaign. He was seriously wounded during the battles near Smolensk. In the Kingdom of Poland he commanded a brigade, then a division. Other Polish commanders who served Napoleon, then held high posts in the Russian Empire, in the Kingdom of Poland or lived in peace, and then came out against Russia, had a similar fate.
The post of deputy governor of the Kingdom of Poland was taken by comrade T. Kosciuszko, divisional general of the French imperial army, Zayonchek, and the commander-in-chief of the Polish army was the brother of the Russian emperor, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, after the death of Zayonchek (1826), who also became the governor. Alexander I, with great sympathy for the Polish national movement, gave Poland a liberal constitution. Thus, Emperor Alexander pursued a very liberal policy towards the Poles, who so stubbornly fought with Russia and retained all the prerequisites for a new uprising of the Polish "elite" against the Russian Empire. It is clear that in the West, creating plans for the dismemberment of Russia, they relied on the Polish "elite", which in general was Russophobic.
It should be noted that Alexander's events regarding Poland did not meet with sympathy among sensible Russians. Even the “guardian” and historian Karamzin spoke out sharply. “The king,” he wrote, “corrects the division of Poland by the division of Russia; By this he will cause applause, but he will plunge the Russians into despair; the restoration of Poland will be either the destruction of Russia, or the Russians will irrigate Poland with their own blood and once again take Prague by storm. ”
“At one of the reviews,” Paskevich, who was passing through Warsaw at the time, says in his notes, “I approach the c. Miloradovich and c. Osterman-Tolstoy and I ask: "What will come of this?" Osterman replied: "And this is what will happen - in 10 years you will storm Warsaw with your division." The prediction came true. Thus, it was obvious to many Russians that the liberties of the Kingdom of Poland would eventually lead to a lot of blood. This is what happened.
Already under Alexander the Polish constitution began to limit. But violations of the constitution were not the main reason for the discontent of the Polish "elite" and the educated part of society (that is, the leaders of Polish society). The Poles dreamed of restoring their own state. And within the boundaries of 1772, that is, at the expense of Western Russian lands. Also, the Polish "elite" hoped that "the West will help us." However, once again miscalculated.
It is also worth noting that it was the time of Freemasonry, the Decembrist movement in Russia, the Carbonari in Italy, etc. The kingdom of Poland and the Western Territory were quickly covered with a network of secret societies. The anarchy that ruled Poland for centuries, the right of confederations, giving the appearance of legality to every insurrection, became the political foundation of the movement. The Poles were imbued with an indelible passion for conspiracies and Russophobia caused by the fact that the Western Poles - Poles have long been subjected to conceptual ideological processing (Vatican) and turned into an "anti-Russian ram", directed against the fraternal Slavic (Russian) civilization. Similarly, in the last century, the southern Rus Russians (Ukrainians) have turned other Rus Russians into enemies.
Vilna University and churches were the center of revolutionary ideas in Lithuania, and the Kremenets Lyceum founded by Count Chatsky was in the Ukraine, Volyn and Podolia. The main propagandist in Vilna was a talented professor. stories Lelevel Of course, all this was known to the Russian government, but it either did not take any measures, or the measures only worsened the situation. Since the annexation of Lithuania to Russia by Petersburg, nothing has been done to unite it with the rest of the empire. Lelevel was transferred to Warsaw, where he continued propaganda with even greater success. The July revolution of 1830 in Paris and the August revolution in Brussels only added fuel to the Polish fire.
Milestones of the Polish campaign
The uprising began on November 29. 1830, the performance of the secret gentry military society in the school of Warsaw. The rebels were supported by thousands of citizens who had mastered the arsenal. The rebels killed six Polish generals who remained loyal to the king (including the Minister of War Gauke). Together with the Polish military units that joined, the insurgents of 30 November captured Warsaw. Russian troops left the city, and in early December and the Kingdom of Poland.
The weakness, indecision and pro-Polish moods of Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich played a major role in the success of the uprising at the initial stage. He could suppress the movement in the embryo, but not only did not do this, but also allowed the rebellion to embrace the whole Kingdom. He stated that “any spilled drop of blood will only spoil the cause,” and released the Polish troops who remained loyal to Russia (these selective regiments joined the insurgents); retreated with the Russian detachment through Pulawy to Wlodawa to the confines of the empire and surrendered to the Poles without a fight the fortress of Lublin, which was of great strategic importance; and large artillery stocks, and Zamoć. Thus, the uprising easily spread all over the edge.
December 5 power as a dictator took the protege of the "elite" (gentry-aristocratic) circles, General Y. Khlopitsky. However, he tried to come to terms with Petersburg. Public discontent with the leadership’s passivity and the refusal of Tsar Nicholas I to negotiate led to the collapse of the Khlopitsky dictatorship (January 18, 1831). The Poles formed a coalition National Government headed by Prince A. Chartoryski. It is worth noting that at the beginning of the 19th century, Adam Chartorysky was close to Tsar Alexander I, was part of his “secret committee”, and some held the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire. Later, Czartoryski took the post of trustee of the Vilna school district and curator of the Vilna University and with his mother, Isabella, became the secret center of the entire Polish conspiracy. The political representation of the radicals was the Patriotic Society founded in December of 1830. Its president, I. Lelevel, joined the National Government.
However, the government still led by representatives of the gentry elite. As a result, the Sejm rejected the very moderate projects of peasant reform, which alienated the peasant masses from the uprising. Thus, most of the population of the Kingdom became largely a passive observer. At the head of the uprising were gentry and the intelligentsia, an educated part of society, infected by Russophobia and Great Poland sentiments, for the broad masses of the population, the insurrection only led to the deterioration of life, since under Russian rule the material well-being of the country increased significantly.
Warsaw could not get help from abroad. The national government tried unsuccessfully (including with the offer of the vacant Polish crown) to get help from Austria, France and Prussia. However, the Western powers did not dare to support the Poles. In Prussia and Austria feared the spread of the uprising in their territory. Attempts by England and France to interfere with the Russian Tsar Nikolai otmet, declaring that he considers the Polish question internal. France has not fully recovered from the previous shocks. But England could not alone confront Russia.
Entered in early February 1831 in the Kingdom of the Polish Russian army under the command of Ivan Dibich-Zabalkansky moved to Warsaw. After a series of major skirmishes in early February, the Polish army, under the command of Prince Radzivil and General Khlopitsky, retreated to Grokhov’s position, directly covering Warsaw. 13 (25) February, the battle of Grochów took place (under Grokhov). Russian troops attacked frontally without proper communication and interaction, over difficult terrain (numerous rivers, ditches with water, pits and swamps), therefore they could not achieve a decisive victory. After a stubborn battle, the frustrated Polish troops began to retreat to the bridgehead Prague, and from there they pulled across the bridge to Warsaw in complete disarray. Both sides suffered the biggest losses for the entire campaign: Russians - about 9400 people, Poles - about 12 thousand people (according to other sources, Russians - 8 thousand people, Poles - about 10 thousand people).
The retreating Polish troops covered up the Vistula line and the strong fortifications of Prague. The Russian army paid for its tactical success with Grokhov in serious losses and waste of almost all the ammunition. Russian troops did not have the necessary reserves and siege artillery for the assault on Warsaw. The rear was not arranged either - the march was carried out lightly. In this situation, Dibich did not venture to storm the Polish capital and retreated to his supply bases. Thus, the war failed to end with one blow.
In late March - early April 1831, Polish forces achieved a number of successes: an uprising began in Lithuania and the invasion of the Polish corps into Volyn, which complicated the position of the Russian troops. But the mistakes of the new commander of the Polish army, General Jan Skrzynetski, nullified the successes of the Polish troops. 14 (26) May 1831, the battle took place near Ostrolenka. Polish troops suffered a heavy defeat by the Russian Guard and rolled back to Warsaw. Particularly sensitive was for the Polish army the loss of old soldiers, who took the brunt of themselves. However, the Russian commander-in-chief only the next morning sent very insignificant forces to pursue the enemy and thereby lost the ability to completely destroy the Polish army. In addition, three days after the battle, Dibich died of cholera (May 29). Thus, the Russian army for the second time failed to develop an offensive against Warsaw.
In the meantime, Polish forces were defeated in Lithuania. Of all the Polish troops that invaded Lithuania, only one Dembinsky detachment was able to return to Poland. In Volyn, the uprising also failed completely and completely stopped after a large detachment (about 5,5 thousand), under Kolyshko, was defeated by Russian troops of General Roth near Dashev, and then at the village of Maidanek. Thus, the Russian army finally intercepted a strategic initiative.
Ivan Fedorovich Paskevich was appointed the new commander-in-chief of the Russian troops. In the meantime, discord intensified in the Polish camp. The formation of the universal militia failed, as was the attempt of the new offensive. Polish troops again moved to Warsaw. This caused public discontent. The first mutiny arose on June 20, at the news of the defeat suffered by General A. Yankovsky. Under pressure from the crowd, the authorities ordered the arrest of Yankovsky, his son-in-law, General Butkovsky, several other generals and colonels, the chamberlain Fenschau and the wife of Russian general Bazunov. The arrested were placed in the Royal Castle. When news of the transition of the Russian army through the Vistula, unrest began again. Skříniecki resigned, and Warsaw was left without power. On August 15, a mob broke into the Castle and killed the prisoners held there, and then began to kill prisoners in prisons. The next day, General Krukovetsky declared himself the commandant of the city and dispersed the crowd with the help of the troops. He closed the premises of the Patriotic Society and began an investigation. The government resigned. The Sejm appointed Dembinski commander-in-chief, but then replaced him on charges of dictatorial sentiment and re-appointed Krukovetsky.
Portrait of Ivan Fyodorovich Paskevich. Franz Kruger
19 August, Russian troops began to lay on Warsaw. On the side of the Will, the main forces of the Russian army were located against the city, on the side of Prague - the Rosen Corps. After joining the Russian main army of reinforcements, its forces increased to 78-86 thousand soldiers with 400 guns; in the Polish troops defending Warsaw, there were up to 50 thousand people including the National Guard. The Polish command could not take a general plan of action: Krukovetsky offered to give a decisive battle before the Will with all the available forces, Uminsky to limit himself to the defense of the city, Dembinsky to break into Lithuania. As a result, Uminsky’s proposal was accepted.
September 6 Russian troops stormed took the first line of defense, the western suburb of Warsaw - the Will. The commander of the strengthening of the Will, General Sovinsky, who lost his leg during the Borodino battle, was killed during a fierce assault. Dembinsky and Krukovetsky launched a counterattack, trying to return the first line, but were reflected. On September 7 in the morning at 3 in the Volia, where Paskevich arranged his bid, the envoy of Krukovetsky Prondzinsky appeared and expressed submission to the "legitimate sovereign." But Paskevich demanded unconditional surrender and Prondzinsky declared that he did not have the authority to do so from the Sejm. In Warsaw, a Seym assembled, which struck Krukovetsky and the government with charges of treason. Meanwhile, Paskevich resumed the bombing. The Russian army, having built up in three columns, began an attack. The Poles' counterattack was repulsed with a canister. In 4 hours Russian troops took the second line of fortifications. Paskevich himself was wounded in the arm. After this, Prondzinsky again appeared with a letter from Krukovetsky, stating that he had received the authority to sign the surrender.
Paskevich sent Adjutant-General F. F. Berg to Warsaw, who finally accepted capitulation from Krukovetsky. However, the Sejm did not approve it. The Poles still did not have unity. Krukovetsky brought the remaining troops outside the Vistula, telling the deputies: “save Warsaw — my job is to save the army.” On the morning of September 8, Russian troops entered Warsaw through an open gate. Paskevich wrote to the king: "Warsaw at the feet of Your Majesty."
In early October, 1831 remnants of the rebel detachments crossed the borders of Prussia and Austria, where they surrendered to local authorities. The Modlin and Zamoяa garrisons surrendered on October 8 and October 21. Thus, the rebellion was crushed.
Taking fortifications Will. Painting by Horace Vernet
After the suppression of the uprising, Petersburg began to curtail its liberal policy towards Poland. The Polish constitution of 1815 of the year was abolished. The Russian authorities began a policy of weakening the Polish-Catholic influence on the Western Russian population of the western outskirts of the Russian Empire. This led to the forced dissolution of the Greek Catholic Church in the western provinces and the transition of local communities to Orthodoxy. However, the case was not completed and under Alexander II they again returned to a liberal policy regarding the Kingdom of Poland. The result was sad: in 1863, the Poles revolted again.
The Background of the Uprising
The long conceptual crisis of the Polish statehood and the degradation of the Polish "elite" in the 18th century led to three sections of the Commonwealth between the Kingdom of Prussia, the Russian Empire and Austria (1772 — 1795). The defeat of the Kosciuszko uprising (1794) was the reason for the final liquidation of the Polish-Lithuanian state. October 24 The 1795 of the year was the third section of the Commonwealth. Russia basically returned the West Russian lands occupied by Lithuania and the Poles in the preceding centuries. Prussia and Austria seized territories inhabited by ethnic Poles. In addition, Austria occupied a part of the ancient Russian territories - Galicia (Red Russia).
During the Napoleonic wars, Napoleon Bonaparte briefly restored the Polish state in the form of the Duchy of Warsaw (1807 year), which included Polish lands taken from Prussia and Austria. However, this state formation did not satisfy the ambitions of the Polish "elite", who dreamed of Poland "from sea to sea" with the inclusion of Lithuania and Western Russia. Therefore, Warsaw in the 1812 year announced the restoration of the Kingdom of Poland, which became the most faithful of Napoleon's allies and set up a hundred-thousandth army that fought from the first to the last day of the war. The Poles were the most faithful allies of Napoleon and dreamed with his help to restore the "Great Poland". However, their plans were destroyed by the Russian army.
3 May 1815 The Congress of Vienna approved a new partition of Poland. Krakow became the Free City; Austria received Wieliczka, Great Poland withdrew to Poland, known as the Grand Duchy of Poznan, and a large territory of the former Warsaw Duchy was transferred to Russia and formed the autonomous Kingdom of Poland. The Kingdom of Poland was a state in the status of a kingdom, which was in personal union with Russia. It was a constitutional monarchy, ruled by a two-year Sejm and the king, who was represented by the governor in Warsaw. The kingdom even had its own 30-thousand. army, staffed mainly from veterans of the Polish legions who fought during the Napoleonic wars on the side of France. Moreover, the money for weapons, uniforms and food for this army came not from the treasury of the Kingdom, but from the budget of Russia.
The generals and senior commanders who fought on the side of Napoleon, occupied a prominent position in society and in the future led the uprising against Russia. So, the future dictator of the rebels Joseph Khlopitsky was a member of the Kosciuszko uprising and actively fought for Napoleon. Participated in the campaign of Napoleon in Russia, was wounded in the battle of Borodino. In 1814, Alexander I was accepted into the army of the Kingdom of Poland with the rank of lieutenant general. Mikhail Gedeon Radzivil also fought with Russia during the Kosciuszko uprising, then commanded various Polish units in Napoleon’s Great Army. In the Kingdom of Poland he became a senator and divisional general. During the Polish uprising of 1830, after the resignation of Khlopitsky, Radziwill was elected commander of the Polish forces and led the uprising until the defeat at Grochów. Jan Skrzynetski also served in Napoleon's army and replaced Radziwill as commander-in-chief of the Polish troops. After the defeat at Ostrolenka gave way to Dembinsky. Heinrich Dembinskiy also served in Napoleon’s army and fought with the Russians. Another commander of the Polish troops, Kazimir Malakhovsky, served Napoleon. One of the Warsaw Governor-Generals and Presidents of the National Government during the uprising 1830 — 1831. - Jan Stefan Krukovetsky, participated in Napoleon's campaigns, including the Russian 1812 campaign. He was seriously wounded during the battles near Smolensk. In the Kingdom of Poland he commanded a brigade, then a division. Other Polish commanders who served Napoleon, then held high posts in the Russian Empire, in the Kingdom of Poland or lived in peace, and then came out against Russia, had a similar fate.
The post of deputy governor of the Kingdom of Poland was taken by comrade T. Kosciuszko, divisional general of the French imperial army, Zayonchek, and the commander-in-chief of the Polish army was the brother of the Russian emperor, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, after the death of Zayonchek (1826), who also became the governor. Alexander I, with great sympathy for the Polish national movement, gave Poland a liberal constitution. Thus, Emperor Alexander pursued a very liberal policy towards the Poles, who so stubbornly fought with Russia and retained all the prerequisites for a new uprising of the Polish "elite" against the Russian Empire. It is clear that in the West, creating plans for the dismemberment of Russia, they relied on the Polish "elite", which in general was Russophobic.
It should be noted that Alexander's events regarding Poland did not meet with sympathy among sensible Russians. Even the “guardian” and historian Karamzin spoke out sharply. “The king,” he wrote, “corrects the division of Poland by the division of Russia; By this he will cause applause, but he will plunge the Russians into despair; the restoration of Poland will be either the destruction of Russia, or the Russians will irrigate Poland with their own blood and once again take Prague by storm. ”
“At one of the reviews,” Paskevich, who was passing through Warsaw at the time, says in his notes, “I approach the c. Miloradovich and c. Osterman-Tolstoy and I ask: "What will come of this?" Osterman replied: "And this is what will happen - in 10 years you will storm Warsaw with your division." The prediction came true. Thus, it was obvious to many Russians that the liberties of the Kingdom of Poland would eventually lead to a lot of blood. This is what happened.
Already under Alexander the Polish constitution began to limit. But violations of the constitution were not the main reason for the discontent of the Polish "elite" and the educated part of society (that is, the leaders of Polish society). The Poles dreamed of restoring their own state. And within the boundaries of 1772, that is, at the expense of Western Russian lands. Also, the Polish "elite" hoped that "the West will help us." However, once again miscalculated.
It is also worth noting that it was the time of Freemasonry, the Decembrist movement in Russia, the Carbonari in Italy, etc. The kingdom of Poland and the Western Territory were quickly covered with a network of secret societies. The anarchy that ruled Poland for centuries, the right of confederations, giving the appearance of legality to every insurrection, became the political foundation of the movement. The Poles were imbued with an indelible passion for conspiracies and Russophobia caused by the fact that the Western Poles - Poles have long been subjected to conceptual ideological processing (Vatican) and turned into an "anti-Russian ram", directed against the fraternal Slavic (Russian) civilization. Similarly, in the last century, the southern Rus Russians (Ukrainians) have turned other Rus Russians into enemies.
Vilna University and churches were the center of revolutionary ideas in Lithuania, and the Kremenets Lyceum founded by Count Chatsky was in the Ukraine, Volyn and Podolia. The main propagandist in Vilna was a talented professor. stories Lelevel Of course, all this was known to the Russian government, but it either did not take any measures, or the measures only worsened the situation. Since the annexation of Lithuania to Russia by Petersburg, nothing has been done to unite it with the rest of the empire. Lelevel was transferred to Warsaw, where he continued propaganda with even greater success. The July revolution of 1830 in Paris and the August revolution in Brussels only added fuel to the Polish fire.
Milestones of the Polish campaign
The uprising began on November 29. 1830, the performance of the secret gentry military society in the school of Warsaw. The rebels were supported by thousands of citizens who had mastered the arsenal. The rebels killed six Polish generals who remained loyal to the king (including the Minister of War Gauke). Together with the Polish military units that joined, the insurgents of 30 November captured Warsaw. Russian troops left the city, and in early December and the Kingdom of Poland.
The weakness, indecision and pro-Polish moods of Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich played a major role in the success of the uprising at the initial stage. He could suppress the movement in the embryo, but not only did not do this, but also allowed the rebellion to embrace the whole Kingdom. He stated that “any spilled drop of blood will only spoil the cause,” and released the Polish troops who remained loyal to Russia (these selective regiments joined the insurgents); retreated with the Russian detachment through Pulawy to Wlodawa to the confines of the empire and surrendered to the Poles without a fight the fortress of Lublin, which was of great strategic importance; and large artillery stocks, and Zamoć. Thus, the uprising easily spread all over the edge.
December 5 power as a dictator took the protege of the "elite" (gentry-aristocratic) circles, General Y. Khlopitsky. However, he tried to come to terms with Petersburg. Public discontent with the leadership’s passivity and the refusal of Tsar Nicholas I to negotiate led to the collapse of the Khlopitsky dictatorship (January 18, 1831). The Poles formed a coalition National Government headed by Prince A. Chartoryski. It is worth noting that at the beginning of the 19th century, Adam Chartorysky was close to Tsar Alexander I, was part of his “secret committee”, and some held the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire. Later, Czartoryski took the post of trustee of the Vilna school district and curator of the Vilna University and with his mother, Isabella, became the secret center of the entire Polish conspiracy. The political representation of the radicals was the Patriotic Society founded in December of 1830. Its president, I. Lelevel, joined the National Government.
However, the government still led by representatives of the gentry elite. As a result, the Sejm rejected the very moderate projects of peasant reform, which alienated the peasant masses from the uprising. Thus, most of the population of the Kingdom became largely a passive observer. At the head of the uprising were gentry and the intelligentsia, an educated part of society, infected by Russophobia and Great Poland sentiments, for the broad masses of the population, the insurrection only led to the deterioration of life, since under Russian rule the material well-being of the country increased significantly.
Warsaw could not get help from abroad. The national government tried unsuccessfully (including with the offer of the vacant Polish crown) to get help from Austria, France and Prussia. However, the Western powers did not dare to support the Poles. In Prussia and Austria feared the spread of the uprising in their territory. Attempts by England and France to interfere with the Russian Tsar Nikolai otmet, declaring that he considers the Polish question internal. France has not fully recovered from the previous shocks. But England could not alone confront Russia.
Entered in early February 1831 in the Kingdom of the Polish Russian army under the command of Ivan Dibich-Zabalkansky moved to Warsaw. After a series of major skirmishes in early February, the Polish army, under the command of Prince Radzivil and General Khlopitsky, retreated to Grokhov’s position, directly covering Warsaw. 13 (25) February, the battle of Grochów took place (under Grokhov). Russian troops attacked frontally without proper communication and interaction, over difficult terrain (numerous rivers, ditches with water, pits and swamps), therefore they could not achieve a decisive victory. After a stubborn battle, the frustrated Polish troops began to retreat to the bridgehead Prague, and from there they pulled across the bridge to Warsaw in complete disarray. Both sides suffered the biggest losses for the entire campaign: Russians - about 9400 people, Poles - about 12 thousand people (according to other sources, Russians - 8 thousand people, Poles - about 10 thousand people).
The retreating Polish troops covered up the Vistula line and the strong fortifications of Prague. The Russian army paid for its tactical success with Grokhov in serious losses and waste of almost all the ammunition. Russian troops did not have the necessary reserves and siege artillery for the assault on Warsaw. The rear was not arranged either - the march was carried out lightly. In this situation, Dibich did not venture to storm the Polish capital and retreated to his supply bases. Thus, the war failed to end with one blow.
In late March - early April 1831, Polish forces achieved a number of successes: an uprising began in Lithuania and the invasion of the Polish corps into Volyn, which complicated the position of the Russian troops. But the mistakes of the new commander of the Polish army, General Jan Skrzynetski, nullified the successes of the Polish troops. 14 (26) May 1831, the battle took place near Ostrolenka. Polish troops suffered a heavy defeat by the Russian Guard and rolled back to Warsaw. Particularly sensitive was for the Polish army the loss of old soldiers, who took the brunt of themselves. However, the Russian commander-in-chief only the next morning sent very insignificant forces to pursue the enemy and thereby lost the ability to completely destroy the Polish army. In addition, three days after the battle, Dibich died of cholera (May 29). Thus, the Russian army for the second time failed to develop an offensive against Warsaw.
In the meantime, Polish forces were defeated in Lithuania. Of all the Polish troops that invaded Lithuania, only one Dembinsky detachment was able to return to Poland. In Volyn, the uprising also failed completely and completely stopped after a large detachment (about 5,5 thousand), under Kolyshko, was defeated by Russian troops of General Roth near Dashev, and then at the village of Maidanek. Thus, the Russian army finally intercepted a strategic initiative.
Ivan Fedorovich Paskevich was appointed the new commander-in-chief of the Russian troops. In the meantime, discord intensified in the Polish camp. The formation of the universal militia failed, as was the attempt of the new offensive. Polish troops again moved to Warsaw. This caused public discontent. The first mutiny arose on June 20, at the news of the defeat suffered by General A. Yankovsky. Under pressure from the crowd, the authorities ordered the arrest of Yankovsky, his son-in-law, General Butkovsky, several other generals and colonels, the chamberlain Fenschau and the wife of Russian general Bazunov. The arrested were placed in the Royal Castle. When news of the transition of the Russian army through the Vistula, unrest began again. Skříniecki resigned, and Warsaw was left without power. On August 15, a mob broke into the Castle and killed the prisoners held there, and then began to kill prisoners in prisons. The next day, General Krukovetsky declared himself the commandant of the city and dispersed the crowd with the help of the troops. He closed the premises of the Patriotic Society and began an investigation. The government resigned. The Sejm appointed Dembinski commander-in-chief, but then replaced him on charges of dictatorial sentiment and re-appointed Krukovetsky.
Portrait of Ivan Fyodorovich Paskevich. Franz Kruger
19 August, Russian troops began to lay on Warsaw. On the side of the Will, the main forces of the Russian army were located against the city, on the side of Prague - the Rosen Corps. After joining the Russian main army of reinforcements, its forces increased to 78-86 thousand soldiers with 400 guns; in the Polish troops defending Warsaw, there were up to 50 thousand people including the National Guard. The Polish command could not take a general plan of action: Krukovetsky offered to give a decisive battle before the Will with all the available forces, Uminsky to limit himself to the defense of the city, Dembinsky to break into Lithuania. As a result, Uminsky’s proposal was accepted.
September 6 Russian troops stormed took the first line of defense, the western suburb of Warsaw - the Will. The commander of the strengthening of the Will, General Sovinsky, who lost his leg during the Borodino battle, was killed during a fierce assault. Dembinsky and Krukovetsky launched a counterattack, trying to return the first line, but were reflected. On September 7 in the morning at 3 in the Volia, where Paskevich arranged his bid, the envoy of Krukovetsky Prondzinsky appeared and expressed submission to the "legitimate sovereign." But Paskevich demanded unconditional surrender and Prondzinsky declared that he did not have the authority to do so from the Sejm. In Warsaw, a Seym assembled, which struck Krukovetsky and the government with charges of treason. Meanwhile, Paskevich resumed the bombing. The Russian army, having built up in three columns, began an attack. The Poles' counterattack was repulsed with a canister. In 4 hours Russian troops took the second line of fortifications. Paskevich himself was wounded in the arm. After this, Prondzinsky again appeared with a letter from Krukovetsky, stating that he had received the authority to sign the surrender.
Paskevich sent Adjutant-General F. F. Berg to Warsaw, who finally accepted capitulation from Krukovetsky. However, the Sejm did not approve it. The Poles still did not have unity. Krukovetsky brought the remaining troops outside the Vistula, telling the deputies: “save Warsaw — my job is to save the army.” On the morning of September 8, Russian troops entered Warsaw through an open gate. Paskevich wrote to the king: "Warsaw at the feet of Your Majesty."
In early October, 1831 remnants of the rebel detachments crossed the borders of Prussia and Austria, where they surrendered to local authorities. The Modlin and Zamoяa garrisons surrendered on October 8 and October 21. Thus, the rebellion was crushed.
Taking fortifications Will. Painting by Horace Vernet
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