Anniversary of the Emergency Committee: the story of the total betrayal of the people by the political elite
The 25th anniversary of the GKChP events is an important milestone that allows us to look at them taking into account the elapsed time. Like the Kornilov rebellion of 1917, they determined the irreversibility of the collapse of the former historical statehood. The signing of the essentially destructive, confederate, Union Treaty, scheduled for August 20, was disrupted, which turned out to be the greatest of evils; August’s “triumphs” prevented its resumption, which went much further: they used the “GKChP factor” as a good reason for the destruction of the Soviet state. “Three days of the Great Game” was called those days by the ex-Minister of Press and Information Mikhail Poltoranin, who announced mass protests against the policies of both Gorbachev and Yeltsin, tens of thousands of letters and resolutions of regional party committees. “At the meetings they told me in person: at the March referendum, the majority voted in favor of preserving the USSR! And Gorbachev and Yeltsin are fooling us with strange projects of union treaties, leading the country to disaster. ” “An extraordinary congress would be the last for Gorbachev and his team. Therefore, it is impossible to prevent its convocation, - Poltoranin reveals the mechanisms of August-91. - The nomenclature intrigues on which Gorbachev is a master were useless. Party lower classes had nothing to lose in the context of the disaster. There was only one thing left - to urgently liquidate the party itself! There were no official reasons for outlawing the CPSU. It needed a reason. A large-scale provocation, a big squiggle, as Boris Nikolayevich used to say, to slam the party, and at the same time identify opponents of the Gorbachev-Yeltsin ligament, ”the closest associate of the first Russian president pointed to his hints of a possible emergency development, voiced a few days before the Emergency Committee (http: //www.kp.ru/daily/25738.3/2726169/).
Yeltsin, Poltoranin testifies, knew everything beforehand, but did not trust Gorbachev; Gorbachev, who did not trust Yeltsin or declare himself “acting” Federal President Gennady Yanaev, knew this as well. From a statement published only after the defeat of the State Emergency Committee of Gorbachev from 20 of August 1991 of the year, on the draft of which the Secretary General’s own handled “I bring to the attention of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR”: “... 3. Please convey to Comrade Lukyanov my demand for the urgent convocation of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR to consider the current situation ... ”(Sazonov AA Who and how destroyed the USSR. Archival documents. - Moscow: ISPI RAS, 2010. S. 137).
Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR Anatoly Lukyanov did not comply with this instruction, hiding behind the "illness" on vacation in Valdai (many high-ranking officials immediately "got sick" in those days). The Supreme Council, which condemned the State Emergency Committee, met after the defeat of the CPSU, 29 August; The congress is only 2 of September, in fact, only to authorize its own dissolution, which preceded the December destruction of the USSR. It is significant that the first to whom Yeltsin, Kravchuk and Shushkevich 8 of December 1991 of the year reported that “the USSR ceased to exist” turned out to be ... US President George Bush Sr.
There is very few people who are aware of the historical parallel: the destruction of the Union was practically timed to the 50 anniversary of the first triumph of the Red Army in the Great Patriotic War - its counteroffensive near Moscow, which crossed out Hitler’s “Barbarossa’s plan”. Revenge? Or a coincidence? Maybe…
“Having accused the leadership of the CPSU in the inability to resist the GKChPistam, MS Gorbachev declared that he was relieving himself of the duties of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and recommended that the Central Committee dissolve itself, ”testifies Anatoly Sazonov, at that time deputy head of the Presidential Administration of the USSR. “It was clear that the forces hostile to the CPSU would take advantage of Gorbachev’s refusal ... On someone’s evil will, an organized crowd was gathered around the Central Committee building on Old Square, threatening to leave the building ... Their personal belongings were subjected to an offensive inspection. ... All day in the office of MS Gorbachev consulted V.A. Medvedev, A.N. Yakovlev, S.S. Shatalin, E.A. Shevardnadze and others. During the break, I went up to the waiting room and talked with V.A. Medvedev.
- Vadim Andreevich, it is impossible to declare the dissolution of the Central Committee, this will immediately bring trouble to millions of ordinary Communists. What does shepherds, milkmaids, workers, teachers, who are not directly responsible for the mistakes of the top leadership of the CPSU.
- You know, Anatoly Alexandrovich, there is no other way out.
- Then it is better to gather the Central Committee Plenum, let Mikhail Sergeyevich announce his resignation. The plenum will elect a new leadership, and the party reform processes, which everyone is waiting for, will finally begin. This is a more honest way.
“Everything is more complicated,” Vadim Andreevich did not dwell on this topic further ... ”(Ibid. S. 145).
What kind of "topic" did not the "member" of the Politburo, the secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, the approximate "Gorbachev" Vadim Medvedev not "spread"?
And why, together with the party leadership, the topic of the dissolution of the Central Committee was discussed by Academician Shatalin? Perhaps because it was under his leadership, starting from the 80's, first at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute for System Research (VNIISI), and then at the Institute of Economics and Forecasting of the Scientific and Technical Research Academy of the USSR Academy of Sciences, that the notorious “team of reformers” headed by Gaidar and Chubais came together? The collapse of the Soviet Union, which the President of Russia V.V. Putin rightly called "the greatest geopolitical catastrophe", planned in advance. And this project was carried out under the guise of the structures of the Club of Rome, primarily the International Institute for Applied Systems Research (IIASA) in Vienna, the actual branch of which was VNIISI. This will be written much later by the director of this branch, Jermen Gvishiani. And it is recognized that his father-in-law, the long-term Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR A.N. Kosygin, contributed in every way to the implementation of this project (Club of Rome. History of creation, selected reports and speeches, official materials / Edited by D.M. Gvishiani et al. M .: URSS, 1997. S. 32-35). Let us not forget that the formula for “convergence”, which masked this plan to eliminate the world socialist system and a single Soviet country, was invented by none other than the fierce anti-communist and Russophobe Brzezinski.
Let's go back to the tragic August days of 1991. The talking point from the statement of the President of the USSR and the top leaders of the Union republics is a photocopy of an undated draft, dotted with marks, with nine signatures from 15-ti (Sazonov AA, S. 147-149). "To ask the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR to support the Appeal of the Union Republics to the UN to recognize them as subjects of international law and to consider their membership in this organization." In this form, this 7-th item and migrated to the published version of the document (Izvestia, Moscow evening edition, 1991. September 2, http://www.gorby.ru/userfiles/file/zayavlenie_prezidenta_sssr_i_vysshih.pdf). “The document was simple, but due to the fact that it not only affected, but in fact demanded the breaking of the existing political system and its governing bodies for decades, many leaders of the Union republics had more and more new comments, which they formulated at the meeting and at night in hotels. Thus, the proposals of Russia and Ukraine were made to the text only in the morning (September 2. - Auth.), At the same time the signatures of B.N. Yeltsin, L.M. Kravchuk ", - specifies Anatoly Sazonov (Sazonov AA, S. 146).
So when did the USSR disappear, in fact, in reality, in December or after all in August 1991 of the year? And in December, having combined with the anniversary of our sacred historical date, simply ritually finished off? Is there any other analogue in the history of such a total and unprecedented treachery of the people by their own political elite, of course, except for February 1917 of the year?
We return to the ill-fated statement of Gorbachev and the leaders of the Union republics. “As agreed the day before, Nursultan Abishevich Nazarbayev read out ... The application and suggested voting for this document. Some deputies concluded that this meant the end of the Congress and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and tried to speak. But the presiding judge I. Laptev did not give time for speeches and proposed to proceed to the discussion of the documents proposed in the delegations. Despite shouts from the audience: “Betrayal!”, “Conspiracy!”, - the deputies dispersed in their delegations. It was possible to judge what happened at the meetings of the people's deputies from the republics by the surges of emotional speeches and the proposals of many deputies at the afternoon session of the Congress in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses. Perhaps the most characteristic mood of the deputies manifested itself in 11 in the morning hours in the Great Hall of the House of Soviets of the RSFSR. V.B. Isakov in his book “Dismemberment” quotes from the transcript of the meeting.
A. Sobchak: “The preservation of the existing allied structures is a continuation of the coup”.
S. Stankevich: “There is no union, and it cannot be reanimated.”
There were voices of deputies in defense of the USSR and the Constitution of the USSR, but they were few. Among them was the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Alexy II, who said: “The destruction of the Union is dangerous. It is necessary to sign the Union Treaty as soon as possible. ” The majority voted for the statement read by N. Nazarbayev at the morning meeting and the proposal to “leave the Congress” to all deputies from the RSFSR, if deputies from other republics do not support such a statement ”(Ibid. S. 153).
So who carried out the coup?
For three days, the author of these lines, who observed the August orgy from the windows of a military establishment in the center of the capital, and therefore felt well the bare nerve of those events and then, and even more so over the years, it was obvious that the participants in the coup were not only the State Emergency Committee, but also Gorbachev and Yeltsin his team of power-hungry usurpers, and "appanage princes" from the union republics. And, of course, a member of the Politburo and secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, the “main ideologist” of the party and part-time intern at Columbia University (USA) Alexander Yakovlev, whom A. Sazonov characterizes as “getting to the highest political authority to fight against the CPSU”. According to his testimony, Yakovlev later admitted: “After the 20th Congress, we often discussed the problems of democratization of the country and society in the super-narrow circle of our closest friends and like-minded people. They chose a simple as a sledgehammer method of promoting the "ideas" of the late Lenin. It was necessary to isolate clearly, clearly and distinctly the phenomenon of Bolshevism, separating it from Marxism of the last century. And so they talked tirelessly about the “genius” of the late Lenin, about the need to return to the Leninist “plan for building socialism” through cooperation, through state capitalism, etc. ... Developed (of course, verbally) the following plan: Lenin's authority to strike at Stalin, at Stalinism. And then, if successful, Plekhanov and Social-Democracy beat Lenin, liberalism and “moral socialism” - revolutionism in general ... ”(ibid. S. 187).
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Let us return in conclusion to the parallels of the “putsch” of the State Emergency Committee with the Kornilov revolt, which finally brought down the Russian Empire, which in the first half of 1917, like the Soviet Union 1990-1991, was almost completely “dismantled” by the “sovereign parade”. As the American historian Robert Worth shows, behind the back of Kornilov were the British: Minister of the Military Cabinet, Lord Milner, and the head of the military mission, General Knox. The British government officially demanded that Kerensky come to an agreement with Kornilov. Against this background, scam artists with large sums of money came to the fore, claiming key positions in the “future Kornilov government” (Worth R. Antanta and the Russian revolution. Russia at a turning point in history. 1917-1918. M .: Tsentrpoligraf, 2006. S. 135- 148).
From the totality of the above facts, the author has no reason to believe that in August 1991, everything happened differently. With only one difference. The Bolsheviks, picking up power in October, which was lying in the mud, managed to save and consolidate the country. Well, Yeltsin's "reformers" did the opposite: having received a rich inheritance, in a matter of years they brought it down and squandered it, handing out the remnants to unclean hands.
Years will pass, and in the history books of the coming times, August 1991 of the year will receive the grade it deserves. This is a competently organized grandiose provocation with the aim of liquidating the country and including the republics of the former USSR into the periphery of the “dependent capitalism” of the global world-system, built in the clan interests of the oligarchy of the leading Western countries.
- Vladimir Pavlenko
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