Felix Dzerzhinsky was born on August 30 (September 11) of 1877 on the estate of Dzerzhinovo in the Oshmyany district of the Vilna province in the Polish small-family and large family of a noble family. Educated at the gymnasium (the course is not graduated). Young Felix was brought up, like many Poles, in hatred of Russia. In the year 1922, when Dzerzhinsky was already one of the leaders of Soviet Russia, he wrote about his childhood patriotic feelings: “As a boy, I dreamed of an invisible cap and the destruction of all Muscovites.” Felix was also a zealous Catholic and even wanted to join the Jesuit Order. However, when he began to prepare for the career of a Catholic clergyman in 16 years, he was dissuaded. He persuaded his mother and, oddly enough, a close priest to the family.
Dzerzhinsky then lost faith in God: “I suddenly realized that there is no God,” he noted later in his diary. However, he found another faith. Felix became a fan of the German Social Democratic Party. Later on Felix became an exemplary revolutionary with a typical biography. In 1895 he joined the Lithuanian Social Democratic Organization, in 1900 he joined the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPIL). Conducted party-subversive work in Vilna, cities of the Kingdom of Poland, in St. Petersburg. Since 1906, the representative of the SDKPIL in the Central Committee of the RSDLP. In 1906-1912 was a member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b). He was arrested several times, fled twice, was released several times under an amnesty. In recent years, before the revolution, 1917 was held in custody. So, in April, 1914 was sentenced to 3 years of hard labor; he was serving them in the Oryol Central. In addition, he was sentenced in 1916 to the year of 6 years of hard labor, he served her in Butyrka prison in Moscow, from where 1 was released in March 1917 of the year after the February revolution. “Iron Felix” spent a total of years of his life in hard labor and in exile 11.
Since August, 1917 has been a member of the Central Committee and the Secretariat of the Bolshevik Party. In October, 1917 - a member of the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee, a member of the famous meeting of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party, where a decision was made on an armed uprising. In the days of the October Revolution in Petrograd, he was responsible for guarding the Bolshevik Smolny headquarters, supervising the capture of the Main Post Office and Telegraph. He was Commissar of Defense from June 17 to August 31. Since November, 1917 has been a member of the NKVD RSFSR college.
At the suggestion of Lenin 7 (20) December 1917 was appointed chairman of the All-Russian Emergency Commission (VChK) under SNK RSFSR to combat counter-revolution and sabotage. The Cheka and its local bodies received the broadest powers, including the imposition of the death penalty. The Cheka used, like similar security agencies in other countries, various methods: from relatively soft - temporary isolation, expulsion of dissidents abroad, etc., to very tough - the execution of hostages, the "red terror" by the class principle, the creation of the first concentration camps . The phrase of Felix that “a man with a cold head, a warm heart and clean hands” can be a KGB officer later became legendary.
At the same time, in his personal life he was an asceticly modest and extremely hardworking man, fully immersed in the work entrusted to the party. As M.I. Latsis recalled, Dzerzhinsky “is not content with leadership alone. He longs to act. And we have often seen how he interrogates the accused himself and digs in incriminating materials. His case is so exciting that he sits out nights in the Cheka. He has no time to go home. He sleeps right there in the office behind the screen. He will eat right there, the courier brings him food, which is served by all the staff of the Cheka. ” Vyacheslav Menzhinsky wrote: “The organizer of the Cheka, in the first turbulent time, when there was neither experience ... nor people, he himself went on searches and arrests, personally studied all the details of the KGB case, so difficult for the old revolutionary of pre-war dressing, who grew together with the Cheka, which became his incarnation, Dzerzhinsky was the most stringent critic of his brainchild ".
In 1918, Dzerzhinsky supported Trotsky and the "Left Communists", opposing Lenin's position on the conclusion of the Brest Peace, regarding him as capitulatory. Since March, 1919 simultaneously headed the NKVD of the RSFSR, since August of the same year - the Special Department of the Cheka (military counterintelligence), and since November 1920 - and the border guard service. From October 1919 - Chairman of the Military Council of the Militarized Guard Forces (WOCR), from November 1920 - the troops of the VNUS (internal service). Thus, he concentrated in the hands of the main special services.
During the Soviet-Polish war and the offensive of the Red Army on Warsaw (1920) - Chairman of the Polish Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (B.) And a member of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee of Poland. In August-September, 1920 was a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Western Front. Repeatedly went to various fronts of the Civil War, where he led the fight against banditry, restored discipline among the troops. From 1921, simultaneously with the main Chekist work, he headed the commission to improve the lives of children; supervised the elimination of childless homelessness.
Unlike part of the Bolsheviks, Dzerzhinsky immediately supported the new economic policy, advocated the development of market relations. At the same time, he fully agreed with Lenin’s policy in the political sphere, aimed at eliminating any dissent and maintaining the Bolshevik monopoly on power. In the days of the Kronstadt uprising, he believed that its participants were acting on the instructions of foreign intelligence services and demanded its ruthless suppression. In 1922, he declared: “The war has ended, now we need to look especially vigilantly at anti-Soviet movements and groups, crush the internal counterrevolution, uncover all the plots of the overthrown landowners, capitalists and their henchmen.” In the same year, when the GPU was deprived of the right to impose death sentences and send political prisoners into exile, he succeeded in creating a special meeting under the NKVD (Dzerzhinsky became chairman) with the right to exile counterrevolutionaries. Thus, Dzerzhinsky became one of the organizers of the expulsion in 1922 abroad of figures of national science and culture, repression against the clergy. Strongly opposed the attempts of a number of liberally-minded Bolsheviks to transfer state security organs under the authority of the People's Commissariat of Justice of the RSFSR.
In February, 1922, in connection with the liquidation of the Cheka, became the chairman of a new organization, the Main Political Directorate (GPU) under the NKVD of the RSFSR. At the same time he became People's Commissar of communications. Since September 1923, the chairman of the OGPU under the SNK of the USSR. He was repeatedly elected a member of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RKP (b).
Since 1922 was a supporter of Stalin in his struggle, Trotsky. Leon Trotsky noted on this point: “On 1921, or maybe 1922, Dzerzhinsky, extremely proud, complained to me with a note of submission to fate in a voice that Lenin did not consider him a political figure. “He does not consider me an organizer, a state man,” insisted Dzerzhinsky. Lenin was not enthusiastic about the work of Dzerzhinsky as the people's commissar of communications. Dzerzhinsky really was not an organizer in the broad sense of the word. He tied employees to himself, organized them with his personality, but not with his method ... On 1922, Ordzhonikidze and Dzerzhinsky felt dissatisfied and largely offended. Stalin immediately picked up both. "
After Lenin's death (January 1924), he was appointed head of the commission of the Central Election Commission of the USSR on the organization of funerals. Dzerzhinsky insisted, contrary to the objections of the widow of the late Krupskaya, on embalming the body of the deceased. Under his leadership, as soon as possible, a mausoleum was built, which became one of the main symbols of Soviet civilization. Since February, 1924, leaving the post of chairman of the OGPU, headed the All-Russian Council of National Economy (VSNKh) of the USSR, almost all of the country's economy was under its control. As chairman of the Supreme Economic Council, he brought to his work experienced specialists with pre-revolutionary education, continued to support market reforms, allow free prices, and put an end to pressure on the peasantry. This caused a deep conflict with opposition leaders Zinoviev and Kamenev.
The essence of the dispute was about the ways and methods of industrialization, how to turn a huge agrarian, peasant country that had just finished rebuilding the economy after the difficult years of the First World War, the Civil War and the Entente's intervention, into an industrial, highly developed country. It was obvious to sensible personalities that the conquests of October, the socialist system could be maintained only under the condition of creating a highly developed industry.
The “Left Opposition” insisted: for industrialization, it is necessary to rob the “muzhik”, to strip to the last thread, to the last penny. Like, only this will allow to find the necessary funds for the development of heavy industry. In reality, such a position meant a break between the peasantry and the working class, which in the country - for the most part still peasant - threatened with a new peasant war and the defeat of the revolution (under the conditions of an external hostile environment). Therefore, Dzerzhinsky sharply criticized this position: “If you listen to you ... then ... as if there is no union of workers and peasants here, you do not see this union as the basis of Soviet power, under the dictatorship of the proletariat, which consciously leads the country to a specific goal, to socialism ... This completely erroneous political bias can be murderous for our industry and for the whole of Soviet power. ”
20 July 1926 of the year at the plenum of the Central Committee on the state of the economy of the USSR, Dzerzhinsky delivered a two-hour report during which he looked sick. In it, he again sharply criticized representatives of the opposition, Pyatakov, whom he called "the largest industrial disorganizer", and Lev Kamenev, whom he accused of not working, but engaged in politicking. Because of a nervous breakdown, he became ill. On the same day, he died of a heart attack.
Later, the myth was created that Stalin was guilty of the death of Dzerzhinsky. However, Stalin had nothing to do with the death of Dzerzhinsky. On the contrary, he, apparently, suspected that something was wrong and demanded that the doctors he trusted conduct a thorough autopsy and study of the causes of death. There is a version that Dzerzhinsky, like Frunze, was eliminated by the so-called. "Trotskyists" as one of the figures that supported Stalin.
Dzerzhinsky was a major figure not only as a “security officer No. 1”, but also as the head of the entire national economy. Under his leadership was the entire industry, which was in the stage of recovery. Stalin personally recommended him for the post of chairman of the Council of the National Economy, with whom Dzerzhinsky had very good personal and business relations. Dzerzhinsky was convenient for Stalin not only because he supported his policies, but also because he was a supporter of the rapid recovery and development of the economy and was well versed in economic matters.
Dzerzhinsky developed a very promising "locomotive" program, the essence of which was the immediate deployment of locomotive engineering in the USSR (that is, engineering). According to the informed opinion of Iron Felix, the program made it possible to fully load locomotive plants, which in turn dramatically tightened other related industries. In particular, locomotive engineering requires the advanced development of metallurgy. And on the basis of the intensive growth of the metallurgical industry, it becomes possible to sharply intensify the metalworking industry, and accordingly saturate the market with metal products, ensure the profitability of the state industry, acquire working capital for the restoration and development of industry. Thus, Dzerzhinsky planned to make a locomotive a “locomotive” of Soviet economic growth. Stalin, who was also well-versed in economics, unreservedly supported this plan.
It is clear that the Trotskyists immediately opposed the plans for the restoration of the Russian economy. First of all, subsequently shot by people's commissar of finance G. Ya. Sokolnikov (Brilliant). He insisted not only on a drastic reduction in the financing of the industry development program, which Dzerzhinsky put forward, but also on preserving the function of distribution of all funds allocated to industry for the people's commissariat of finance. As we see, the Trotskyist Sokolnikov is almost indistinguishable in its views from the current Russian liberals, who are stifling the economy, science and education of the country with “optimization” (reduction of expenses).
In response, Dzerzhinsky proposed a program of radical transformations in the management system of the metallurgical industry, the essence of which was to concentrate and centralize management. The same program contained a paragraph with the idea of a single industrial budget. The invention is very simple, but equally effective. State industry part of the profits handed over to the state. The People's Commissariat of Finance projects the state budget, in which there is a string of financing for the industry as a whole. But the distribution of industry financing is already carried out at the Presidium of the Supreme Economic Council, in accordance with the objectives of industrial development.
With the support of Stalin, the Dzerzhinsky program was approved by a decision of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU (B.). It was based on the following principles:
- the main task of industrialization is the rapid growth in the production of steel and iron;
- the main economic goal is the construction of a powerful machine-building industry that will be able to carry out an economic revolution in the country;
- the main political goal of these economic transformations is to overthrow the economic power of the peasantry by creating large-scale commodity industries based on the large-scale use of machinery and equipment produced in Soviet factories;
- the main method of industrialization - the concentration of industrial management in one headquarters and the concentration of state capital in a single industrial budget;
- the main method of industrialization: a) large-scale development planning of entire industries in their interrelation and mutual influence on each other; b) development together with the large metallurgical and machine-building industry of related and related sectors of the economy;
- the main character of industrialization - the concentration of production at the largest factories and the construction of the largest and most modern enterprises. Thus, Dzerzhinsky anticipated the foundations of future industrialization.
At the same time, his inherent energy, Dzerzhinsky, was actively involved in the titanic work on the economic transformation of the country and achieved excellent results. So, when he headed the VSNH, 1,55 million tons of pig iron, 1,623 million tons of steel were smelted in the USSR, 1,396 million tons of rolled products were produced. As of 20 in July, 1926, when Dzerzhinsky was gone, iron smelting in the country amounted to 2,2 mln. Tons, steel - 2,9 mln. Tons, rolled steel - 2,2 mln. Tons. That is, the growth was 55-70%! When Dzerzhinsky headed the Supreme Economic Council, the entire 45 domain and 115 open-hearth furnaces operated in the country. After itself "Iron Felix" left 53 working blast furnaces and 149 open-hearth furnaces. Under him, Yenakievsky, Donetsk-Yuryevsky them were put into operation and put into operation. Voroshilov and Konstantinovsky metallurgical plants in the south and five metallurgical plants in the Urals, more than 400 other enterprises of different industries were re-commissioned and put into operation. Under Dzerzhinsky, the foundation was laid for the metallurgical plant in Kerch, the plants for agricultural engineering in Rostov and Zlatoust, etc. In 1926, for the first time, the load of the USSR plants exceeded the level of 1913 of the year, making 101%. In the same year, the USSR entered the 7-place for the production of pig iron and the 6-place for the production of steel in the world.
It is clear that the success of Stalin and Dzerzhinsky in the development of the country infuriated Trotsky and other "Trotskyist internationalists" who explicitly or by default worked for the West, solving the problem of turning Russia into a backward raw periphery of the "world community." They did everything possible to sabotage the successful development of Soviet industry, which turned Russia-USSR into one of the leading world powers, guaranteeing its independence. Therefore, Dzerzhinsky and became another target of Trotsky and his supporters. They organized his persecution at all levels. As a result, Dzerzhinsky’s health did not endure (and he didn’t have good health), or according to one of the versions, he organized a “heart attack”, having poisoned “the security officer No. 1”. And then the loud death was blamed on Stalin, as in a number of other cases.
It is also worth noting that Dzerzhinsky interfered with the Trotskyists and as the head of the security organs. Dzerzhinsky retained a tremendous influence on the state security organs, since, despite all the workload at the Supreme Economic Council, Felix Edmundovich remained the chairman of the United State Political Administration (OGPU) at the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. Inside the OGPU, a kind of parallel leadership has already taken shape, which was carried out by the deputy of “Iron Felix” G. G. Yagoda, a relative of the once powerful Central Executive Committee chairman Ya. M. Sverdlov (a famous Russophobe and agent of influence of the West). He made a group - KV Pauker, MI Guy, and others. When Dzerzhinsky died, Stalin managed to put his man at the head of the OGPU - V. R. Menzhinsky. He planned to put organs under strict party-state control. However, the effect of this personnel maneuver turned out to be small as Menzhinsky was seriously ill, so the Yagoda group managed to maintain and even strengthen their positions. Thus, before the arrival of Beria, who cleared these “Augean stables”, the security organs became a stronghold of the Trotskyists, because of this, a large number of innocent people suffered during the “cleansing”.
Thus, the point of view imposed on 1991 by the enemies of the Soviet project and civilization cannot be accepted that Dzerzhinsky is a “bloody ghoul”, which was marked only by “red terror” against “innocent” nobles, White Guards, intelligentsia, priests, etc. “Iron Felix” was the builder of the Soviet statehood (there was no other then, because the Russian Empire was destroyed, and in return the Liberal Democrats could not offer anything worthy) and did it in the most critical areas. This is one of the people who saved Russia from chaos, anarchy, gangster lawlessness and the invasion of foreign invaders. Felix Edmundovich really fought against the enemies of the people and built a new Soviet civilization, a society based on the idea of social justice. Dzerzhinsky was one of the founders of the program of Soviet industrialization, on the foundation of which Russia still holds. Apparently, therefore, Dzerzhinsky and causes a feeling of hatred among modern liberals.