The power in the PRC only from the outside seems to be a monolith, analogous to the political bureau of the time of Brezhnev. In fact, at the highest levels of the Middle Kingdom reigns fierce competition, coupled with intrigue and the struggle for a place in the sun. Taking into account the fact that Moscow and Beijing now have “special relations”, it is useful to understand the internal elite of the PRC and the degrees of influence of each of the groupings.
The modern system of government in China is complex and confusing due to the fact that it combines an extensive system of party, state and parliamentary institutions, while in the field, each of the branches of government is duplicated by representatives of the center. However, there are a number of informal influential groups formed within the party and the government according to territorial, kinship or guild principles, which have a huge influence on decision-making. There are at least six such groups.
"Taijidan". Crown Princes
This is not so much a grouping (unlike the Shanghai or Tuanpay, there are no single core, goals and tasks for the princes), but a term for the younger generation of relatives of the old party elite. The term itself originated in the early twentieth century in relation to the heirs of President Yuan Shikai, who declared himself 1915 the emperor. In 1920-1930-ies the relatives of the Kuomintang leaders Chiang Kai-shek, Song Meiling, Chen Lifu and Kun Xiangxi were called “heir princes” (the latter, being the richest man in pre-revolutionary China and a direct descendant of Confucius in the 75 generation, was married to sister of the wives of Chiang Kai-shek and Sun Yat-sen). At the present time, the “hereditary princes” are in a narrow sense relatives of the “Eight Immortals”, so named by analogy with Taoist deities, that is, old communists who survived all the purges of Mao times and accumulated considerable political weight by the 1980 – 1990 years. The first among the "immortals" is Deng Xiaoping. Also in the list always include the chairman of the PRC in 1983 – 1988. (then this position was technical - the chairman was not the de facto head of state) Li Xiannian, and sometimes Bo Ybo - the disgraced father of Bo Xilai. Sometimes the father of the current leader of the People's Republic of China Xi Jinping - Vice Chairman of the NPC Standing Committee in 1988 – 1993 Xi Junjun appears instead.
Thus, the most famous now "princes" - this is Xi Jinping and Bo Xilai. Other well-known "heirs" include Deng Nan, son of Deng Xiaoping, chairman of the board of the All-China Association of Persons with Disabilities, paralyzed by the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution, PLA Lieutenant-General Li Ping (son of Li Xiannyan), President of the PRC State Bank Chen Yuan (son of Chen Yuan), Major General of the PLA Mao Xinyu (grandson of Mao Zedong), as well as the children of the Chinese President of the People's Republic of China, the leader of the Shanghai group Jiang Zemin, founder of the Grace Semiconductor Manifacturing Corporation odnikam current employer and the fourth son of George HW Bush Neil Bush and Jiang Mianheng PLA Major General Jiang Myankan.
Son of a well-known Chinese revolutionary, Chairman of the PRC in 1959 – 1968, Liu Shaoqi, Lieutenant-General of the Military Police Liu Yuan and son Wen Jiabao, former Premier of the State Council of the PRC in the government of Hu Jintao ". In total, 229 people belong to this group, and only one thing unites them - they are all descendants of the older generation of Chinese leaders.
Most of the “princes” achieved their current position in Chinese politics by using not so much loud names as their parents, whose colleagues wanted to transfer their business to reliable hands. This may explain the fact that a significant part of the children of party leaders made a career in the army - and vice versa. Some "heirs" are criticized for excessive increase of family capital. So, according to the International Consortium of Investigative Journalism, 12 people from the list are registered offshore companies in the British Virgin Islands. "Princes" was much easier to move up the career ladder than their colleagues who did not have a powerful family behind them. But in 1997, a pretty strong blow was struck on their positions when Xi Jinping and Dan Pufang barely went through as candidate members of the CPC Central Committee, and Bo Xilai could not get this status at all. After 10 years, Xi and Bo were named key party leaders of the fifth generation, while in all the cities of the central subordination of the PRC, one of the “princes” occupied the post of mayor. It is not excluded that Jiang Zemin contributed to the rise of the “heirs”, who was forced to retire according to age, but wanted to maintain his influence on the political processes in the country.
Speaking of age. The word "prince" is usually associated with young majors, but in China the young major is the one who is about 50 years old, but simply the major is usually between the ages of 65 and 70.
“Shanghai” means those who made their party career in Shanghai party committees under Jiang Zemin’s rule. In addition to Jiang himself, the most prominent representatives of this group are the Vice Chairman of the PRC in the administration of Hu Jintao, a former member of the PC of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee Zeng Qinhong, the former Chairman of the People’s Political Advisory Council of China Jia Qingling, who died in his post as First Deputy Prime Minister State Council Huang Ju and deprived of membership in the party in 2007 year due to the misuse of funds from the Shanghai Social Insurance Fund, the former secretary of the Shanghai Committee of the CPC, Chen Liangyu. The latter is currently serving a 2006 year sentence.
Chinese policymakers believe that the Shanghai Clique was formed in 2004, by Jiang Zemin, who needed his own people in the new leadership in order to prevent a sharp change of course on the part of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, if such happens. In particular, the reshuffle in the Politburo at the fifth plenary meeting of the 16 CPC Congress was blocked by the efforts of this group. Also, the "Shanghai" slowed down the reforms of the Wen Jiabao government, aimed at reducing the growth of infrastructure and overheating of the Chinese real estate market. Subsequently, starting from the 2007 year, a number of “Shanghaiists” ran into the “Tsinghua clique”. And with the coming to power of Xi Jinping, the influence of this group fell almost to zero.
"The Tsinghua clique"
It was named this way by analogy with the “Tsinghua clique” that existed during the years of the Chinese Civil War and consisted of Chinese nationalists who subsequently fled to Taiwan. Formed from graduates of Peking University Tsinghua, known for the smallest percentage of representatives of the party elite who studied there. The leader of this group is considered the former Chairman of the PRC Hu Jintao. During his reign, there were four Tsinghua graduates among the nine members of the PC of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, five among the 24 members of the Politburo, and among other party and state leaders - 10 people. Most of the representatives of this group belong to the fourth generation of Chinese leaders, are prone to democratic reforms, and some after graduating from Tsinghua generally studied in the United States.
This group has replaced the "Shanghai" and enjoyed the greatest influence in the period from 2008 to 2012 year. Hu Jintao’s closest associate in this group and the main lobbyist of his interests in the current generation of the Chinese leadership are considered the Vice-Premier of the State Council and one of two women in the current political bureau, Li Yandong, who may also be a member of Tuanpai. The group also includes the chairman of one of the parliamentary opposition parties of the Democratic League of Self-Government of Taiwan, Lin Weny. Some analysts refer to the "Tsinghua clique" and the former chairman of the NPC Standing Committee, Wu Bangguo, while others refer him to the "Shanghai".
The majority of senior Tsinghua graduates who have noted in Chinese politics and influenced the representatives of the fourth generation of the Chinese elite have already either died or retired.
"Tuanpay." Young Communists League Faction
At the moment, it represents a powerful opposition to the “Crown Princes”, and consists of former functionaries of the Chinese Komsomol. The term “tuanpai” itself originated in 1980-s and was already used to criticize the CPC general secretary Hu Yaobang, who was overly surrounded by Komsomol members. The current Tuanpay has nothing to do with the 80's group, which has lost all influence after the death of its leader and the events that followed in Tiananmen Square. After Hu Jintao (who ironically made a party career in the Komsomol under Hu Yaobane, although he was not a protege), came to power, many began to get accustomed to his fellow members of the Komsomol. "Tuanpay" consists mainly of people from the people who have no influential relatives or connections, and therefore is the center of a populist-minded wing as opposed to the "elitists" of the "Shanghai" or "Crown Princes".
Some political observers consider Hu Jintao’s faction leader, others consider the current Premier of the PRC State Council Li Keqiang. The alleged members of this group include Vice President Li Yuanchao, Second Vice Premier Liu Yandong, Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, Member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee Hu Chunhua (who is also one of the most well-known leaders of the next, sixth generation of the Chinese elite) and Chairman of the PRC Supreme Court Zhou Qiang
"New Zhijiang Army"
The name for this group was coined by Hong Kong journalist Ma Haolian to designate Chinese politicians who made a career in Zhejiang province when Xi Jinping was the party secretary. The term “Zhijiang” itself is the poetic name for the Qiangtan River, which flows into the provinces, which Xi used in his philosophical collection “Zhijiang thoughts”. The members of this group are the closest associates of Xi Jinping and will play a very important role in Chinese politics in the coming years, especially after 2017. The most influential of them are the former secretary of the party committee of Taizhou city, the former mayor of Hangzhou and, according to rumors, Cai Qi, deputy head of the CPC Propaganda Department, Huang Kunming, general director of the Chinese giant steel industry - Baostil corporation Chen Dejun and secretary of the CPC Committee of Jilin Bayangolu Province. Apparently, the group is also the most ardent guide to Xi Jinping's program to combat luxury and a good counterweight to “Tuanpai” in its populist rhetoric.
A group of politicians and businessmen from Shanxi Province, organized according to the principle of traditional Chinese society. It is believed to have included members and candidates for membership in the CPC Central Committee, as well as major businessmen. All of them met every three months in the mountains to the west of Beijing. At the same time, the existence of this group with absolute certainty has not yet been confirmed, because no record was made at the meetings. The leader of the "Sishansky meeting" was not there either.
The greatest activity of this group occurred in the period from 2007 to 2014 the year when it attracted attention in connection with the arrest of the director of the State Energy Administration Li Tenan, who has now been sentenced to life imprisonment. In addition to Liu Tenan, multi-billionaire Ding Shumiao, recently sentenced to 20 years of imprisonment and serving as treasurer, former second chairman of the CPPCC CP, Lin Jihua, who is under investigation, his elder brother Lin Zhengze, also under investigation, and former Shanxi Province Vice Governor Chen Chuanping. The group consisted of one of the small but very influential political cells within the party and fell under the rink of the anti-corruption campaign announced by Xi Jinping after his son Liu Tenan died in an accident at Ferrari, which also had two half-naked girls.
Which of the above groups will collect nine gates, and which - thirteen orphans (using the terminology of mahjong), that is, will have the most significant impact on the politics and economy of modern China, we will know with certainty only after 2017 year, when the results of the first five years will be summed up generations of the Chinese elite.