The Directive of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (B) of 24 in January of 1919 ordered mass repressions against all Cossacks, who directly or indirectly disagreed with the Soviet authorities. She read: “Recent events on various fronts in the Cossack regions — our advancement into the depths of the Cossack settlements and the disintegration among the Cossack troops force us to give instructions to party workers about the nature of the work in rebuilding and strengthening Soviet power in these areas. It is necessary, taking into account the experience of the year of the civil war with the Cossacks, to recognize as the only right the most merciless struggle with all the upper ranks of the Cossacks by their total extermination. No compromise, no halfness is unacceptable.
Therefore it is necessary:
1. To carry out mass terror against the rich Cossacks, exterminating them without exception;
conduct a merciless mass terror against the Cossacks in general, who took any direct or indirect part in the struggle against Soviet power. It is necessary to apply all measures to the average Cossacks that give a guarantee against any attempts on his part to make new demonstrations against the Soviet power.
2. Confiscate the bread and force to pour all the excess in the specified points. This applies to both bread and all other agricultural products.
3. Apply all measures to assist the relocating alien poor, organizing resettlement where possible.
4. Equalize alien "nonresident" to the Cossacks in the land and in all other respects.
5. Carry out complete disarmament, shooting everyone who is found weapon after the deadline.
6. To issue weapons only to reliable elements from non-resident.
7. Armed detachments to leave in the Cossack villages until the establishment of full order.
8. All commissars appointed to one or another Cossack settlement are invited to show maximum hardness and to steadily carry out these instructions.
The Central Committee decides to carry out, through the appropriate Soviet institutions, the obligation of the People's Commissariat to develop, in a hurry, actual measures for the mass relocation of the poor to Cossack lands.
All the points of the directive for the Cossacks were simply unique and meant the complete destruction of the Cossack life, based on the Cossack service and Cossack land tenure, that is, a complete raskazachivanie. Unprecedented for the Cossacks, as a military and military class, was paragraph 5 of complete disarmament. Even after the Pugachev rebellion, only the artillery was withdrawn from the Yaikovsky army, and the Cossacks had cold weapons and firearms left, introducing only ammunition control. This draconian and obscurant directive was a Bolshevik response to the Cossacks of the Upper Don District who, at the end of 1918, expressed the credulity and humility of Soviet power, threw the front, went home, and made a tremendous impression on them. At that time and in those places the incredible metamorphoses and peripetias of the Cossack worldview were written brilliantly by M. Sholokhov in “The Quiet Don” on the example of Grigory Melekhov and his countrymen. The directive made no less impression on other Cossacks, who finally became convinced of the infinite perfidy of the new government. However, it should be said that in reality this directive referred only to the Don and the Urals, where Soviet troops were at that time. It is difficult to imagine an even more stupid and untimely undertaking during that period of civil war than this anti-kazakh directive. The Cossacks responded with mass uprisings. With their suppression there was a war of annihilation, without prisoners. So who are these, the main suppressors of the Cossacks?
Person number 1: Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin) - the executioner of the Russian people and a paid agent of Kaiser Germany. As soon as the First World War began, Lenin, who was in emigration, proclaimed the task of the Bolshevik Party: to turn the imperialist war into a civil war and offered his services to the German General Staff. Not having come together in price, the German government then refused its services, but continued to sponsor the Bolsheviks to carry out the betrayal of Russia's national interests. After the February Revolution, their time has come, and the German General Ludendorff organized a delivery from Switzerland to Petrograd, in special sealed wagons in total 224 re-immigrants of Social Democrats led by Lenin. At the same time, banker Jacob Schiff organized the delivery of socialists to the emigrants from the USA by ship across the ocean, among which 265 were his paid agents. Subsequently, many of these leaders became leaders of the "proletarian revolution." On the other hand, the Bolsheviks received enormous support from international Zionist capital. Polling as secret masons, the Bolshevik leaders were little interested in the national interests of Russia. They carried out the will of the Great Masters of the international masonic organization. In the 1917 year, through the associate of Lenin, the mason Parvus (aka Gelfand), Germany gave Lenin about 100 million marks. Only 18 July 1917, at the expense of Lenin in Kronstadt from the German bank 3 million 150 thousand marks were transferred. Money to the Bolsheviks also came from the United States. In April 1917, Jacob Schiff publicly stated that, thanks to his financial support for the Russian revolution, success was assured. More about this was written in the article "Cossacks and the October Revolution."
Person number 2: Yakov Sverdlov (Yeshua Solomon Movshevich). It was he from the Kremlin who led the execution of the royal family in Yekaterinburg in 1918 year. After the assassination attempt on Lenin, the Socialist-Revolutionary Kaplan, a relative of Sverdlov, he signed an appeal from the Central Executive Committee on merciless terror. 24 January 1919 of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (B) issued a directive on disclosure, signed by Yakov Sverdlov. This directive immediately began to be implemented in the territories controlled by the red. However, soon Sverdlov was fatally beaten by workers at a rally in Orel, according to the official version, he died of a cold.
But Lev Davidovich Trotsky (Leyba Davidovich Bronstein), who was born in the family of the usurer, was notable for his particular cruelty. First, he participated in the revolutionary struggle as a Menshevik, then, while in emigration, he joined the Freemasons, was recruited as a secret agent, first by Austrian (1911 — 1917), and then by German (1917 — 1918) intelligence services. Through a man close to Trotsky, Parvus (Gelfand), the Bolsheviks received money for the October revolution from the German General Staff. In the year 1917, Trotsky suddenly becomes a “fiery Bolshevik” and breaks through to the heights of the Soviet government. After Lenin's death, without sharing power with Stalin, he was forced to flee abroad. Killed by NKVD agent Ramon Mercader in Mexico with an ice ax blow to the head. Trotsky and his assistants commissars Larin (Lurye Mikhail Zelmanovich), Smilga Ivar, Poluyan Yan Vasilyevich, Gusev Sergey Ivanovich (Drabkin Yakov Davidovich), Bela Kun, Zemlyachka (Zalkind), Sklyansky Efraim Markovich, Beloborodov (Weisbart) and other them them and them them. bloody meat grinder in all of Russia, and on the original Cossack land.
At the beginning of 1919, the Don Army was bleeding, but the front kept. Only in February began the transfer of the Kuban army to help Don. During stubborn battles, the advancing red units were stopped, defeated and went on the defensive. In response to the exterminating terror of the Bolsheviks on February 26, an all-out uprising of the Cossacks of the Upper Don Region, called the Vyoshensky Uprising, broke out. The rebellious Cossacks formed a militia of up to 40 thousand bayonets and sabers, including the elderly and adolescents, and fought in complete encirclement, until parts of the Don Army of General Sekretov broke through to their aid. In the spring of 1919, Russia entered the most difficult stage of the civil war. The Entente Supreme Council supported the plan of the military campaign of the whites against the Bolsheviks. On January 31, Franco-Greek troops landed in southern Ukraine and occupied Odessa, Kherson and Nikolaev. During the winter of 1918-1919, the White armies were delivered: 400 thousand rifles to Kolchak and up to 380 thousand Denikin, about 1 thousand trucks, Tanks, armored cars and aircraft, ammunition and uniforms for several hundred thousand people. By the summer of 1919, the center of the armed struggle moved to the Southern Front. Ubiquitous peasant-Cossack revolts disorganized the rear of the Red Army. The uprising of the Red Chief of Staff Grigoryev, which led in May to the general military-political crisis in Ukraine, and the Vyoshensky uprising of the Cossacks on the Don were especially widespread. To suppress them, large forces of the Red Army were thrown, but in battles with the rebels the soldiers of the red units showed instability. Under the favorable conditions, the All-Union Socialist Republic of Ukraine defeated the opposing forces of the Bolsheviks and entered the operational space. After heavy fighting, parts of the Caucasian Army on June 17 occupied Tsaritsyn on the right flank, and Kharkov, Aleksandrovsk, Yekaterinoslav, and Crimea occupied the white parts on the left flank. Under pressure from the Allies on June 12, 1919, Denikin officially recognized the power of Admiral Kolchak as the Supreme Ruler of the Russian state and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian armies.
On the whole front, the Reds retreated, on the side of the Whites there were superior masses of Cossack cavalry, which played a decisive role at this stage of the civil war. Due to the general success, General Denikin arrived on June 12 with General Romanovsky in Tsaritsyn. There he held a parade, declared gratitude to the army, and then issued a directive to attack Moscow. In response, on July 14, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party published a letter, “Everything to fight against Denikin!”, And appointed a counter-offensive on August 20. By the time of the issuance of the directive on the march to Moscow, the Don Army was replenished and had 9 fighters in three corps deployed at the front in 15-42000. The Don Army went beyond the Don and entered the territories occupied by the population of central Russia. This line became not only the front line, but also the political line. The middle provinces of the Russian state are the very Russia, on whose shoulders lay centuries of struggle against the nomadic steppe, and it was destined to resist and stand in this centuries-old boiling fight of the struggle. But the population of these medium-sized Russian provinces was the most deprived in the sense of land allotments. The great reforms of the sixties, which liberated the peasants from the dependence of the landowners, did not resolve the main issue of land ownership, served as a pretext for the discontent of the peasants and gave excellent reasons for propaganda of the Bolshevik agitators.
The revolution uncovered this sick abscess, and it was resolved spontaneously, regardless of government decrees, by a simple “black” redistribution, with the help of the spontaneous seizure of land by large peasants by peasants. For the Russian peasantry, which constituted up to 75% of the population, all political problems began and ended with the land issue, and only those that promised them land were acceptable political slogans. They did not care at all whether such areas as Poland, Finland, the Baltic States, the Caucasus, and others would form part of the Russian state, forming a great and indivisible Russia. On the contrary, these conversations terribly frightened the peasants, they saw in them the danger of returning to the old order, and for them this meant the loss of land seized by them. It is clear, therefore, that the arrival in these provinces of the white armies that returned the old order did not arouse enthusiasm among the locals. The fact that the appointed governors announced a new democratic redistribution of land, which would be taken up by special land agencies, these words were not taken into account, because the new section was promised only three years after the restoration of order in the entire Russian state. From the point of view of an incredulous Russian peasant, this meant “never.” The Bolsheviks, on the second day of their time in power, adopted the “Decree on Land”, effectively legitimizing the “black partition”, and thus decided the outcome of the civil war in Central Russia in their favor.
A completely different situation was in Ukraine. In the civil war in the south, this richest and most fertile part of the Russian Empire occupied a special position. Historical the past of this region was completely different from that of the central regions of Russia. Left-bank and right-bank Ukraine was the cradle of the Dnieper Cossacks and peasants, who did not know serfdom. After the Dnieper Cossacks ceased to exist and their remnants became hussar regiments, the Cossacks became the property of people who were awarded the government for special merits and were settled by immigrants from the Russian and non-Russian provinces of the vast empire, which created an incredibly variegated ethnic polyphony in the Black Sea provinces. The inner life in the new region was developing completely differently than in the central regions. The empire was able to take possession of all the vast lands of Little Russia only by the end of the 30th century. The Russian state at that time was quite powerful and in these lands there was no longer any need to create voivodships with a population attached to them, which was why there was no need for the formation of strong serfdom. The lands were fertile, the climate was favorable, which greatly softened the issues associated with low land. The population of Little Russia, or Ukraine, was estimated at almost 70 million inhabitants. It would seem that this part of the country, more prosperous and less constrained by the living conditions of the past, should have shown stability and resistance to the disorder in what is happening around anarchy. But it was not there. Consciousness associated with its Maidan past, the Zaporizhzhya Sich, Cossack liberties and independent life firmly lived among the people of this land. An important feature of the Ukrainian people, or Little Russians, was that up to XNUMX% of the population spoke a local language that was different from the language of Great Russia and had a significantly distinctive mentality.
This peculiarity spoke of the belonging of this population to another branch of the Russian people, voluntarily joining Great Russia only in the middle of the 17th century. Over the past 2,5 centuries of being part of Russia, the situation has changed only in that a significant part of educated Little Russians learned Russian and became bilingual, and the Polish-Ukrainian gentry, in order to earn and consolidate the estates, learned to properly serve the empire. The main part of the Little Russian population in the past were part of the Galician, Kiev, Chervonnoy and Black Russia, for many centuries were part of the Lithuanian-Polish possessions. The past of this land was closely connected with Lithuania and Poland, with the Cossack liberties, the independence of the lost Cossack life, which was partially preserved in the former Cossack regions of the Dnieper region. The difficult fate of the Dnieper Cossacks earlier in the "VO" was described in more detail in this series of articles. In the national everyday life of the Ukrainians, local folklore was carefully kept, fanned by poetry, legends, and songs connected with the not-so-distant past. All this violent folklore and domestic forbs abundantly watered and fertilized by the Ukrainian intelligentsia, which surreptitiously and hypocritically gradually gave it anti-Russian cultural and political nuances. In the beginning of the revolutionary collapse, a significant part of the Ukraine was part of the front line, and for a long time was filled with masses of soldiers from the decomposed army units. Under such conditions, awakened nationalism could not take on forms of a more or less civilized character. Under the Brest Treaty, Ukraine was given to Germany and occupied by Austro-German troops. Having occupied Ukraine, the Austro-Germans put it as the ruler of the hetman General Skoropadsky, under whose rule Ukraine was presented as an autonomous, independent republic, with all the necessary forms of its existence. It was even declared the right to form a national army. However, on the part of the Germans, this was a diversion that covered real goals. The purpose of the occupation of this rich Russian region, as well as other 19 provinces, was to replenish all types of resources of a completely exhausted Germany. She needed bread and more to continue the war. The power of the hetman in Ukraine was mostly fictitious. The occupation command ruthlessly exploited all the resources of the country and took them to Germany and Austria. Brutal requisitions of grain stocks provoked resistance from the peasants, with whom ruthless reprisals were carried out.
Fig. 2 Terror of the Austrians in occupied Ukraine
The brutal exploitation of the local population caused hatred among the masses, but at the same time was welcomed by part of the population who was looking for salvation from anarchy and the lack of power of spreading communism. With such disarray and confusion in Ukraine, the organization of a national army was out of the question. At the same time, Ukraine attracted Cossack regions close to her in spirit, and embassies from Don and Kuban reached for Hetman Skoropadsky. Through the hetman of Skoropadsky, the ataman Krasnov entered the sphere of great international politics. He entered into correspondence with the leadership of Germany and in letters addressed to the Kaiser, asked for help in the fight against the Bolsheviks and recognition of diplomatic rights for Don as a country fighting for their independence against the Bolsheviks. These relations had the meaning that during the time of the occupation of the territory of Russia, the Germans supplied the necessary weapons and military supplies to Don. In exchange, Krasnov gave Kaiser Wilhelm guarantees of neutrality of the Don Cossack troops in World War II, with the obligation to expand trade, preferences and privileges for German industry and capital. Under pressure from the Germans, Ukraine recognized the old borders of the Don Region and the Don troops entered Taganrog.
As soon as the chieftain received Taganrog, he immediately took the Russian-Baltic plant and adapted it for the production of shells and ammunition and reached the beginning of 1919, the production of 300 000 cartridges per day. Don was proud that the whole Don Army was dressed from head to foot in his own, sitting on his horses and in his saddles. Emperor Wilhelm Don asked the machines and equipment for factories to get rid of the care of foreigners as soon as possible. It was the Don Russian orientation, so understandable to the common people and completely incomprehensible to the Russian intelligentsia, who were always used to bowing to some foreign idol. Ataman looked at the Germans as enemies who came to put up, and believed that they can ask. He looked at the allies as debtors in front of Russia and Don, and believed that they needed to be demanded. But the expectation of help from them for Don turned out to be a complete chimera. After the defeat of Germany by the Allies and the departure of her troops from Ukraine, all help to Don disappeared.
By the summer of 1919, the Reds against the Cossacks and volunteers had six armies concentrated on the Southern Front, as part of the 150000 fighters. Their main task was not to allow Denikin’s troops to unite with Kolchak’s army. The Kuban army, occupying Tsaritsyn, was stopped for rest, replenishment and putting in order. The Red Army 10-I was in a battle near Tsaritsyn brought into severe frustration, and only a few divisions and the Budenny cavalry corps maintained their combat capability. Due to the defeats of the Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army, Vatsetis 9 of July was removed from command, his place was taken by the former colonel of the General Staff Kamenev. Commander of the Southern Front was appointed former colonel of the General Staff Yegoryev. On July 2, General Denikin ordered the Caucasian Army (Kuban + Terskaya) to launch an offensive. On July 14, the Cossacks occupied Linovka and cut off the retreat routes of the 10 Army to the north. The Red Army was cut in two, and three divisions were surrounded in Kamyshin. When trying to break through to the north, these red divisions were attacked by the Cossacks and completely destroyed by them. Saving the situation, the corps of Budyonny against the I Don Corps was red directed. Budyonny pressed the parts of the Donets to the line of the Ilovli River. This partial success of Kamyshin was not saved and July 15 was occupied by the Cossacks. After the occupation of Kamyshin, the movement had to continue to Saratov. For the defense of Saratov, the Reds were attacking troops from the Eastern Front and mobilized units from Russia. Despite the condition of the troops of the Caucasian Army, General Romanovsky, Chief of Staff of General Denikin, telegraphed the orders of the commander-in-chief to continue the offensive.
At a time when the Caucasian army fought on the Kamyshin front and beyond, the Don army occupied the front on the Novy Oskol line - Liski station. Until the end of July, the Don Army fought stubbornly offensive battles for the capture of the Liski-Balashov-Krasny Yar railway lines, but which it failed to take. The fights went with the transition from hand to hand cities of Liski, Bobrov, Novokhopyorsk and Borisoglebsk. The Don Army was on the main line to Moscow. Having regrouped, the 9 Red Army, supported by the flank units of the 10 and 8 armies, launched an offensive, squeezed parts of the Don Front and occupied Novokhopyorsk, Borisoglebsk and Balashov. The Donets were ousted back from the Russian territory to the borders of Russia and the Don. On the whole front were heavy and hard fighting. At this difficult moment, the Don command adopted a bold project. It was decided to create a special shock cavalry corps of a strong composition and send it to the rear of the Reds. The purpose of the raid: disruption of the counteroffensive and the blow to the headquarters of the Red Front, destruction of the rear, damage to railways and disruption of transport.
Formed for this IV cavalry corps of General Mamontov was composed of the best parts of the Don army number of 7000 riders. The breakthrough of the front of the Reds was scheduled at the junction of the 8 and 9 of the Red armies. The operation began on July 28. The corps, without meeting resistance, went into a deep raid and on July 30 captured the train with the mobilized, heading for the replenishment of one of the red divisions. About three thousand of the Red Army soldiers who were mobilized were taken prisoner and dismissed to their homes. In addition, a mobilization center was captured, where up to five thousand of the Reds just mobilized were collected, which were immediately, to their satisfaction, disbanded. Many carriages with shells, cartridges, hand grenades and quartermaster property were seized. The 56 Infantry Division of the Reds, which had been sent to eliminate the breakthrough, was destroyed. From the south-east towards the corps the cavalry brigade was moving, which was also completely broken. Having met a heavily fortified position south of Tambov, the corps walked around it and on August 5 took Tambov. The city was dissolved before 15000 mobilized. From Tambov the corps headed towards Kozlov, where the headquarters of the Southern Front was located. The breakthrough of the front by the IV Don Corps brought great alarm to the headquarters of the Red Command. The Council of Defense of the Republic declared the Ryazan, Tula, Oryol, Voronezh, Tambov and Penza provinces under martial law and ordered the establishment of county and city committees of military revolutionary courts everywhere. However, the brilliant activity of the IV Don Corps produced more moral than operational impact and essentially limited itself to actions of a purely tactical order.
It seemed that the cavalry corps directed into the deep rears seemed to have a purpose isolated from the general course of the war. During its movement in the rear areas of the Red armies, there was no adequately powerful and vigorous action on the part of the whites on the front. At the head of the red armed forces were already officers of the general staff who knew military affairs no worse than the command of the whites. The breakthrough was unpleasant for them because of the confusion of the troops under their control. Even upstairs, in the Defense Council, some were afraid of the appearance of Cossacks near Moscow, but for officers who were well versed in military operations, it was clear that the cavalry corps, poorly supported from the front, would quickly dry out and would look for a safe way out. Therefore, the Red Command set the goal of eliminating the breakthrough and at the same time making parts of the 8 Army an offensive against the Third Don Corps at its junction with the Front of the Democratic Army. This offensive of the Reds and the withdrawal of the Cossacks exposed the left flank of the May-Mayevsky units and threatened Kharkov, where Denikin's headquarters was located. The Red Army penetrated deep into the 100-120 versts on the front of the 3rd Don Corps. There was no reserve at the disposal of the white command, and it was necessary to use cavalry. From the first Kuban and second Terek brigades, the III cavalry corps was created under the command of General Shkuro, which was subordinated to May-Mayevsky. With blows from the west of General Shkuro's corps and from the southeast of the Don corps this deeply-cut wedge was destroyed, and the Reds were thrown back not only to their original position, but to the 40-60 version north. At the same time, the corps of General Mamantov continued to operate in the rear of the 8 Army, destroying the rear of the Reds, he occupied the Yelets. Special Communist regiments and parts of Latvians were opposed to the Mamantov corps. From the east came a cavalry brigade with the support of cadets and armored units. From Yelets Mamantov moved to Voronezh. On the side of the Reds, several infantry divisions were issued, and an order was given to the Budenny corps to also go against Mamantov. On August 24, Kastornaya, a large station in the rear areas of the 13 and 8 Red armies, was busy with Mamantov's corps, which facilitated the activities of the 3rd Don Corps, which operated from the south. The great success of the Mamantov raid prompted the Reds to reevaluate the role of cavalry, and their commanders had the idea, following the example of the White Cossack cavalry, to create cavalry units and units of the Red Army, which resulted in the order of Bronstein, saying: “Proletarians, everything is on horseback! The main trouble of the Red armies is the lack of cavalry. Our troops have a maneuverable character, require the highest mobility, which assigns a large role to the cavalry. Now Mamontov’s destructive raid sharply raised the question of creating numerous red cavalry units.
Our lack of cavalry is not accidental. The revolution of the proletariat was born in most of the industrial cities. We have no shortage of machine guns and artillerymen, but we have a great need for riders. The Soviet Republic needs cavalry. Red cavalry, forward! On a horse, proletarians! ” General Mamantov’s raid continued from July 28 for six weeks. The Red Command took all measures so that the corps could not break through to the south, but it did not reach its goal. With a skillful maneuver, the Mamants defiantly attacked one of the divisions, where the Reds were loyal and resistant, and the corps, changing movement, having crossed to the west bank of the Don, attacked the rear units of the Reds and left the rear, joining 5 of September with the 1 of the Kuban Division leading the battles against the same red parts on the south side. The corps of General Mamantov not only successfully emerged from the reds of the Reds, but also brought out the Tula Infantry Division of Volunteers formed by him in the short term of the raid, which all the time took part in the battles on the side of the whites.
Fig. 3 General Mamantov
It should be said that Bronstein’s call: “Proletarians, everything is on horseback!” Was not an empty sound. Red cavalry quickly emerged as a counterbalance to the white-cavalry cavalry, which at the initial stage of the civil war had an overwhelming numerical and qualitative superiority. The cavalry corps of the Cossack troops formed the basis of the white cavalry, and the red cavalry created their cavalry practically from scratch. Initially, its main organizational units were predominantly hundreds, squadrons, cavalry units, which did not have a clear organization, a constant number, which were part of the military cavalry. In the construction of cavalry as a kind of troops of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army, it is possible to allocate the following stages:
- the creation of hundreds of squadrons, squads and regiments
- reducing them to cavalry units - brigades and divisions
- formation of strategic cavalry - cavalry corps and armies.
In the creation of equestrian armies of the Red Army has absolute priority. For the first time, a cavalry army led by General Oranovsky was created at the end of 1915, during heavy defensive battles on the German front, but this experience was unsuccessful. This was described in more detail in the article “Cossacks and the First World War. Part III, 1915 year. However, thanks to the tireless enthusiasm and talent of real fans of the cavalry business of the Red Cossacks Mironov, Dumenko and Budyonny, this case was brilliantly developed and became one of the decisive military advantages of the Red Army over the white armies.
By the time of the decisive battle in the movement to Moscow, as part of the white Russian army, according to General Denikin, there were 130 000 fighters, and 75% of them were Cossacks. The front of the Cossack troops at the same time had a stretch of 800 versts from the Volga to New Oskol. The front, which was engaged in the main part of the Volunteer Army between Novy Oskol and the Desna River, was about 100 miles wide. When attacking Moscow, Ukraine was very important, which was, in essence, in the struggle against the Bolsheviks, the third and very important front. On the territory of Ukraine, in the bizarre tangle of contradictions, the interests of various forces intertwined: 1) Ukrainian separatism 2) aggressive Poland 3) Bolsheviks and 4) the Volunteer Army. Separate independent groups and Poles fought a war against the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks fought with the Ukrainian rebels and Poles, as well as against the Volunteer and Cossack ar-mi. Denikin, following the idea of restoring United and Indivisible Russia, fought against all: the Bolsheviks, the Ukrainians and the Poles, and the fourth front for him were rebels in his rear. From the west, from the side of Ukraine, the 13 and 14 armies were deployed with the Reds against the All-Ukrainian Union of Human Rights Forces, and from the side of the Whites considerable forces were needed to counter. The Red Army could not be proud of the successful mobilization among the Russian and Ukrainian population. By the spring of 1919, the Soviet command proposed to place 3 million under the red banner. However, the implementation of this program interfered with internal troubles. Power held on bayonets. Unusually significant is the distribution of armored cars on the fronts. On the east, there were 25 machines, on the western 6, on the southern 45, in the rear of the 46. In the only punitive Latvian division there were 12 armored cars. Brutal measures were taken by the Reds to force the entry of peasants into the army, but even cruel reprisals and terror against deserters and the population hiding from joining the Red Army did not succeed. Mass desertion during the civil war was one of the most acute problems of all the warring armies. The table shows the number of refusers and deserters in the Red Army in 1919, according to N. Karpov.
At first glance, these figures look monstrous, but desertion is a sad and inevitable companion of any civil war. Now we already know the results of the current "mobilization" in Ukraine in the ATO and have something to compare. Millions of Ukrainians are fleeing to neighboring countries and “mow down” from conscription by hook or by crook, and in this light the figures from the table no longer look unreal. 40 million country Ukraine with great difficulty was able to assemble for the ATO only a few relatively capable brigades and individual battalions. And then the composition of the Red Army in the days of the most intense battles on the Southern and Western fronts had no more 200000 people. The stability of most of these troops was relative. Often enough was a successful maneuver, so that parts of them either fled or surrendered. The exception was made by special and special troops from Latvians, cadets, communists, who at the same time also played the role of merciless executioners against the population. In fact, in the autumn of 1919, soldiers from the Red Army deserted several times more than they served in the White Guard armies. Between June 1919 and June, 1920 deserted up to 2,6 million, but in Ukraine only up to 500 thousand deserters were identified. The same problem of mass desertion arose in front of the whites as soon as they tried to mobilize in the “liberated” territories. Thus, the Denikin army in the period of greatest success controlled the territory with a population of about 40 million, but it could not increase its number. As a result, whites were forced to recruit even from among the captured Red Army men. But such units not only quickly decomposed, but, often, went over to the Red side in full strength.
Nevertheless, the mobilization efforts of the Reds bore fruit. After Kamyshin was occupied by the Caucasian army, Denikin ordered to vigorously pursue the enemy’s army in the direction of Saratov, regardless of the heavy losses. Reds, replenished, had a strong resistance. In Saratov were concentrated part of the 2-th army, the former before, on the Siberian front. At the front of the Caucasian and Don armies, the Reds regrouped and created in each of the existing armies shock groups of reliable troops with a total of 78 000 bayonets, 16 000 sabers, 2487 machine guns and 491 gun. 1 August 1919, the shock units of the 10 Red Army switched to the Kamyshin offensive on the front of the Caucasian Army and the 1st Don Corps. On August 14, the Don Plastun Brigade was destroyed, and with its death an unprotected front opened along the course of the Medveditsa River to the district center of the village of Ust-Medveditskaya. To cover the resulting void from the front, the commander of the garrison was mobilized by young men of invocative age, beginning with 17 years, and all Cossacks capable of carrying weapons. All the Cossacks of the Pridonsk villages co-ordinatedly responded to this call, a brigade of two regiments was formed from these drafted Cossacks, occupying all the right-bank villages of the district from Kremenskaya to Ust-Khopyorsk. Mobilization was also carried out throughout the Don Army. The decisive moment came in the struggle, and Don gave the last that was at his disposal for the struggle. The army lacked horses for horse regiments and artillery. Transportation to supply the army was supported by women and adolescents. 23 August began fighting for Tsaritsyn. The Reds were defeated and, having lost 15 thousands of prisoners, 31 guns and 160 machine guns, were thrown to the 40 version north. But, having replenished the units, the 10 Army of the Reds, which also included Budyonny’s strong equestrian corps, went on the offensive again between the Volga and the Dipper. On the whole front, heavy battles were fought, and the Cossacks managed to repel the enemy offensive with the capture of a large number of prisoners and weapons. For the successful execution of the RVS directives, the Budenyi cavalry corps was transferred to the junction of the 8 and 9 armies, scheduling a blow to the joint of the Volunteer and Don armies.
For the Don Army created a difficult situation. Despite this, in the first half of September 1919, the Don and Caucasian armies withstood the frenzied onslaught of the shock parts of 8, 9, and 10 armies in the number of 94 LLC fighters with 2497 machine guns and 491 guns. Moreover, the 8 and 9 armies were dealt a heavy defeat, which stopped their decisive offensive in the middle reaches of the Don, and the 11 forces in the lower Volga. By September, 1919, the territory that was engaged in the All-Soviet Union armed forces included: part of the Astrakhan province, the whole Crimea, Yekaterinoslav, Kharkov, Poltava, Kiev and part of the Voronezh province, the territory of the Don, Kuban and Terek troops. On the left flank, the white armies continued the offensive more successfully: Nikolaev, 18 August, Odessa, 23 August, Kiev, 30, September, Kursk, 20, September, Voronezh, 30, Oryol, were taken on August 13. It seemed that the Bolsheviks were close to a catastrophe and they began to prepare for going underground. An underground Moscow party committee was created, government agencies began evacuating to Vologda.
But it only seemed. In fact, the Bolsheviks in Central Russia had much more supporters and sympathizers than in the south and east and managed to raise them to fight. In addition, events of a general political nature that were unfavorable for the white movement occurred in Europe and their negative effect began to be felt more and more. 28 June 1919 of the year at the Palace of Versailles in France, a peace treaty was signed that officially ended World War I of 1914-1918. Representatives of Soviet Russia were excluded from the negotiation process, as Russia concluded a separate peace with Germany in 1918, according to the terms of which Germany received a significant portion of land and resources in Russia and was able to continue the struggle. Although the Entente powers did not invite the delegation of Moscow, they granted the right to speak to the “Russian foreign delegation” composed of the former Russian foreign minister Sazonov and the former ambassador of the Provisional Government Nabokov. Members of the delegation felt keenly the historical humiliation of Russia. Nabokov wrote that here "the name of Russia became anathema." After the conclusion of the Versailles peace, the help of the Western allies to the white movement gradually ceases for various reasons. After the collapse of the Central Powers and the Russian Empire, the eastern hemisphere of the planet was ruled by Britain and its opinion was decisive. British Prime Minister Lloyd George, shortly after the failed attempt to bring white and red men to the negotiating table on the Princes' Islands, spoke in the following vein: "The expediency of helping Kolchak and Denikin is even more controversial because they are" fighting for the United Russia "... I don’t indicate whether this slogan is consistent with the policy of Great Britain ... One of our great men, Lord Beaconsfield, saw in the huge, mighty and great Russia, rolling like a glacier towards Persia, Afghanistan and India, the most formidable danger to the British Empire ... ". The reduction, and then the complete cessation of aid from the Entente, brought the white movement to a catastrophe. But the betrayal of the Allies was not the only problem of the White armies at the end of 1919. The presence of “green” and “black” gangs and movements in the rear of the whites were distracted by considerable forces from the front, plundered the population, and in general disintegrated the white armies. In the rear areas, peasant uprisings rose everywhere, and the anarchist Makhno distracted the greatest white forces.
Fig. 4 Combrig Makhno and Comdiv Dybenko
With the beginning of the offensive of the white troops on Moscow, Makhno began a large-scale partisan war in the rear of the whites and again called on the peasant rebels to unite with the Reds. The carts were especially popular with the Makhnovists. This ingenious invention radically changed the character of the civil war in the south. As all ingenious this invention was just plain ugly and was the fruit of pure eclecticism. Let me remind you that the theory considers 3 the main source of creativity: charisma (talent, gift of God), eclecticism and schizophrenia (cleavage of reason). Eclecticism is the connection of the heterogeneous, not previously combinable, with the aim of obtaining new properties and qualities. For all the seeming simplicity of this genre, eclecticism can produce fantastic results. One of the luminaries of this genre in the technique of Henry Ford. He did not invent anything in the car, everything was invented before him and not by him. He did not invent and the conveyor. Before him, on assembly lines in America for many decades, revolvers, rifles, weaving looms, etc. were assembled. But he first began to collect cars on the conveyor and made an industrial revolution in the automotive industry. So with the cart. In the southern provinces, where the sleigh is not in use, light sprung Saxon britts, called by Germans colonists tachanki (they were also called tachi, cars), were a very common type of personal and hired passenger transport among the colonists, wealthy peasants, ordinary people and cabers. They were then seen there all, but did not give them any other meaning. The machine gun was also invented a long time ago, the designer Maxim presented it back in 1882 year. But the unknown Makhnovist genius of genius, who first put a machine gun on his car and harnessed four horses into it, radically changed the nature of hostilities and the use of cavalry in the civil war in southern Russia. The insurgent army of Makhno, which had 1919 of the year before 28 000 people and 200 machine guns on the carts, used them very effectively.
In addition to machine-gun carriages in subdivisions, separate machine-gun companies and divisions existed from them. To quickly achieve local fire superiority, Makhno even had a machine gun regiment. The cart was used both for moving machine guns and for delivering fire strikes directly on the battlefield. The Makhnovists used the cart to transport infantry. In this case, the total speed of movement of the detachment corresponded to the speed of the trotting cavalry. Thus, the forces of Makhno easily passed up to 100 km a day for several days in a row. So, after a successful breakthrough under Peregonovka in September of 1919, Makhno’s large forces in 11 days passed more than 600 km from Uman to Guliay-Polya, taking the white garrisons by surprise. After this glorious raid machine-gun carts with the speed of the car began to spread in the white and in the red army. In the Red Army, cart women gained the loudest glory in the First Cavalry Army of SM. Budyonny.
Fig. 5 Makhnovskaya tachanka
By early October, the balance of forces and their location were as follows: The Volunteer Army had up to 20 LLC fighters, the Don Army 48 LLC, the Caucasus (Kuban and Terskaya) - 30 LLC. Total 98 000 fighters. There were about 40 000 Red men from the 13 and 8 armies against Dobraarmy. Against Don and the Caucasus around 100 000 people. Front of the fighting parties: Kiev - Orel - Voronezh - Tsaritsyn - Dagestan region. Astrakhan was not taken white. Despite the mediation of the British, Denikin did not manage to reach an agreement with the Ukrainian army of Petliura and the Polish army; the anti-Bolshevik forces did not join forces. Dagestan region was also against the white army. The Red Command, realizing where the main danger was, directed the main blow against the Cossacks. RVS replaced the commander of the southern front Yegoryev, putting in his place the general staff of colonel Egorov. October 6 Reds near Voronezh pressed Cossack units. Under the pressure of the cavalry corps of the Reds, the Cossacks left 12 of October Voronezh and retreated to the west bank of the Don. The Don command asked the Caucasian army to strengthen the right flank of the Don army, and Wrangel promised to go on the offensive in order to divert Dumenko's cavalry. It was easier for the Caucasian army after leaving the cavalry corps of Budyonny and Dumenko from its front. Cruel battles were also fought on the front of Dobromrmii, and under the pressure of the 14, 13 and 8 armies their resistance was broken, and a slow retreat began. Budenny’s corps was reinforced by two infantry divisions, and under their pressure 4 in November, Kastornaya was left white. After this, the flanks of Dobrovrmii and the Don Army could no longer be connected. From November 13, Dobromrmiya rolled back to the south, and communication with parts of May-Mayevsky and Dragomirov was lost. The Reds took Kursk and opened the way to Kharkov. After the capture of the Kastorny Corps, Budyonny was instructed to continue to operate at the junction of the Goodwill and Don Corps. On the part of the 10 and 11 armies, an attack began on Tsaritsyn, the 9-I continued the offensive within the Don territory, and the 8-I and 13-i acted against the Dobrovrmi and partly against the Don units. On November 26, instead of May-Mayevsky, General Wrangel took command of the Goodbye Union. The Don units began to take positions and in two days moved beyond the Seversky Donets River. 1 December, the Reds occupied Poltava, 3 December, Kiev, and parts of Dobrovrmy continued to move south. The Don Army continued to thaw from loss and typhus. By December 1 the Red vs 23000 Don had 63 LLC infantry and cavalry.
In December, an event occurred that finally turned the tide in favor of the Red Army and had the most negative effect on the fate of the All-Soviet Union. In the village of Velikomikhaylovka, which now houses the Museum of the First Cavalry, December 6, as a result of a joint meeting of members of the RVS of the Southern Front Yegorov, Stalin, Schadenko and Voroshilov with the command of the cavalry corps, order No. 1 was created to create the First Cavalry Army. At the head of the army administration, the Revolutionary Military Council was composed of Commander Konarmiy Budyonny and members of the PBC Voroshilov and Shchadenko. The Communist Army became a powerful operational-strategic mobile group of troops, which was entrusted with the main task of defeating Denikin's armies by rapidly cutting the white front into two isolated groups along the New Oskol-Donbass-Taganrog line, followed by their destruction separately. Those. a deep massive raid of the red cavalry to the Sea of Azov was conceived. The red cavalucus and previously made deep raids up to Rostov, but they were strategically unsuccessful. Deep wedged cavalry corps of the Reds were subjected to flanking strikes of white parts and returned with great losses. It is quite another thing konarmiya. When it was formed, Budenny’s shock cavalry corps was reinforced by several rifle divisions, hundreds of carts, dozens of horse batteries, armored cars, armored trains and airplanes. The impact of the cavalry, with the powerful support of armored trains and machine-gun carts, was murderous, and the attached rifle divisions made the wounded conarmia extremely resistant to counterstrikes. The attacking and marching orders of the Budyonnovsk cavalry were reliably protected by aerial reconnaissance and machine-gun carriages from sudden flank attacks of white-cavalry cavalry. Budennovsk carts differed from the Makhnovist ones, as they were mostly self-made, but the task of machine-gun escorting cavalry at a trot was no less successful. The idea of the army, which the Cossack generals raved during world war, found its brilliant embodiment in the hands and heads of the red Cossacks and effectively earned literally from the early days. December 7 The 4 division of Gorodovikov and the 6 division of Tymoshenko defeated General Mamantov’s cavalry corps under Volokonovka. By the end of December 8 after a fierce battle, the army captured Valuykami.
December 19 The 4 Division, with the support of armored trains, crushed the combined cavalry group of General Ulagay. On the night of December 23, Konarmiya forced Seversky Donets. By December 27, parts of the Konarmia firmly seized the Bakhmut-Popasnaya frontier. December 29 actions of the 9 th and 12 th infantry divisions from the front and the covering maneuver of the 6 th cavalry division of the whites were knocked out of Debalcevo. Developing this success, 11-I cavalry, together with 9-th infantry division of 30 December, captured Gorlovka and Nikitovka. December 31 The 6 Cavalry Division, coming out in the Alekseevo-Leonovo area, completely defeated three regiments of the Markov officer infantry division. 1 January 1920, the 11 Cavalry and 9 Rifle Divisions, supported by armored trains, captured the Ilovaiskaya station and the Amvrosievka area, defeating the Cherkasy Whites division. On January 6, the forces of the 9 th rifle and 11 th cavalry divisions, with the assistance of the local Bolshevik underground, occupied Taganrog. The task was completed, parts of the WSYR were chopped up into 2 parts.
Fig. 6 Mounted Army Offensive
Don army retreated from the Don to the south. The goodwill of the army turned into a corps under the command of General Kutepov, and he passed into the submission of the commander of the Don army, General Sidorin. In the rear of the white army there was an incredible accumulation of wagons on dirt roads and blockage of railroad cars on railways. The roads were crowded with abandoned carts with household belongings, sick, wounded Cossacks. Eyewitnesses described that there were not enough words to express in words the deepest tragedy of the soldiers, the wounded and the sick, who fell into such conditions. So pitiable for White ended 1919 year in southern Russia. What was the situation in 1919 in the East?
At the end of the 1918 of the year, Dutov's South-Western Army, formed mainly from the Cossacks of OKW, suffered great losses and in January 1919 left Orenburg. In the conquered territories of the Cossack regions, the Soviet rulers launched cruel repression. As mentioned above, 24 January 1919, Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) Ya.M. Sverdlov signed and sent to the places a directive on the story about the destruction and destruction of the Cossacks of Russia. It should be said that the Orenburg regional executive committee did not fully implement this criminal directive, and in March 1919, it was canceled. At the same time, in some Cossack areas it was used until the end of the civil war, and in this satanic case, Trotsky with his frantic supporters did a great deal of success. The Cossacks suffered enormous damage: human, material and moral.
On the Siberian expanses, the scale and means of warfare against the Reds were more than the funds of the Don and Kuban regions. The mobilization of the army gave a large number of replenishment, and the population more willingly responded to the call. But along with the mood of the masses in the struggle against the destructive forces of Bolshevism, there was a hard political struggle. The main enemies of the white movement in Siberia were not so much the organization of the communists as the representatives of the socialists and the liberal public who were in communion with the communists, and through the hands of their representatives from Moscow received money for propaganda and struggle against the government of Admiral Kolchak. Back in November 1918, Admiral Kolchak overthrew the Social Revolutionary-Menshevik Directory and proclaimed himself the Supreme Ruler of Russia. After the coup, the Social Revolutionaries declared Kolchak and the White movement an enemy worse than Lenin, stopped the fight against the Bolsheviks and began to act against the white power, organizing strikes, insurrections, acts of terror and sabotage. In the army and the state apparatus of Kolchak and other white governments there were a lot of socialists (Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries) and their supporters, and they themselves were popular among the population of Russia, primarily among the peasantry, therefore the activities of the Social Revolutionaries played an important, largely decisive role in defeating the white movement in Siberia. Against the admiral, a conspiracy in the army was slowly but persistently created.
However, in the spring of 1919, the Kolchak troops launched an offensive. At first it was successful. The Cossack army of Dutov cut the road to Turkestan and attacked Orenburg. Dutov mobilized 36 ages into his regiments and had 42 Mounted Riders, 4 Foot Regiments and 16 batteries. But in May-June, due to the start of field work, the ataman was forced to let the Cossacks older than 40 go home. This led to a significant decrease in the White Cossack combat effectiveness, the old bearded men firmly held discipline in the hundreds and forced the young Cossacks to observe loyalty to the oath. In addition, the Red Army launched an offensive on the Trans-Siberian Railway to Chelyabinsk and to repel this offensive from near Orenburg to the north, the 2 Cossack Corps of General Akulinin was sent. After violent multi-day battles in August 1919, the Red Army took Verkhneuralsk and Troitsk and cut off the White Army army of Dutov from the main forces of Kolchak. The White Cossack units rolled to the southeast, but part of the Cossacks did not want to leave their homes, and in the Orsk and Aktyubinsk regions, the mass surrender of Cossacks began. The white Cossacks and officers who surrendered were placed in the Totsky, Verkhneuralsky and Miass camps, where they were thoroughly checked and filtered. Many have not been released, and of those who wanted to earn the forgiveness of the new government, the Red Cossack units, the ND cavalry force, formed. Kashirin and kavdiviziyu N.D. Tomin. Orenburg residents replenished Konarmiyu S.M. Budyonny and fought against the army of Denikin, Wrangel, Makhno and the White Poles.
In September-October 1919 of the year between the Tobol and Ishim rivers a decisive battle took place between the whites and reds. As on other fronts, whites, yielding to the enemy in forces and equipment, were defeated. After that, the front collapsed and the remnants of Kolchak's army retreated deep into Siberia. In the course of this retreat, the Kolchak troops carried out the Great Siberian Ice Campaign, as a result of which the Kolchak troops retreated from Western Siberia to Eastern, thus overcoming more than 2000 kilometers and avoided encirclement. For Kolchak was characterized by unwillingness to delve deeply into political issues. He sincerely hoped that under the banner of the struggle against Bolshevism he would be able to unite the most diverse political forces and create a new solid state power. Meanwhile, the Social Revolutionaries organized a number of insurrections in the rear of Kolchak, as a result of one of them they managed to capture Irkutsk. The power in the city was taken by the Socialist-Revolutionary Political Center, to whom Czechoslovak 15s of January, among whom pro-SR sentiments were strong and had no desire to fight, issued Admiral Kolchak, who was under their guard.
After the withdrawal of Kolchak's army across the Tobol River, parts of the Orenburg and Ural Cossacks on the Turkestan front were thrown back into the sandy, desert lands, and their territories were occupied by the Reds. The front of the Baltic countries was passive, and it was only on the outskirts of Petrograd that the North-Western army of General Yudenich fought. In November 1919, under Kokchetav, the Dutov army was again defeated, the most irreconcilable in the number of 6-7 thousands of Cossacks and their families went with the ataman to China, and the majority surrendered to captivity. The difficulties of traveling to China aggravated the cruelty of the former Siberian Cossack Ataman B.V. Annenkov. Ataman Annenkov not only did not help the Orenburg citizens who came to Semirechie, but at the very border dealt with thousands of desperate villagers and their families. Just before the border itself, he suggested that those who did not wish to part with their native land return to Soviet Russia. Those turned out to be about two thousand. Annenkov wished them a happy journey and indicated a gathering place. But it was an insidious trick. Machine guns hit the Cossacks who had gathered in a clearing. The runaway people were chopped by the horsemen of Annenkovtsy. A terrible reprisal was arranged against women and children. Such zoological cruelty speaks of the savagery of the Annenkovites and the like “fighters” for the white idea, turning them into extremely embittered Sadist-Satanists. Having set as a goal the struggle for Orthodox Russia against the atheists-communists, many white warriors themselves fell to the cruelty of primitive barbarians. Any war hardens people, but civil, fratricidal war is especially corrupting. That is why the patriarch of All Russia Tikhon did not give the blessing of the white army.
The anti-people civil war was launched by both sides against the will of the clergy and statists and was led on the white side by generals Kornilov, Denikin, Alekseev, basely oath-taking, Sovereign and the state. About the other side and say nothing. Civil war inevitably dooms the state to ruin and defeat, and the people participating in it, to moral degradation, savagery and lack of spirituality. In all, about 100 of thousands of refugees came out of Orenburg, fearing reprisals from the Reds. About 20 thousands of White Cossacks and their families crossed the border with China. Of these, the ataman Dutov managed to gather in Suidun an efficient detachment of about 6 thousands of people, preparing military actions against Soviet Russia. The Chekists decided to end this threat. The operation involved Kazakh noble origin Kasym Khan Chanyshev, who allegedly was preparing an uprising in eastern Kazakhstan. During the operation, ataman Dutov was treacherously murdered. So ingloriously ended the struggle of the Cossacks of the OKV with the Bolsheviks.
The struggle in 1919 on the territory of the Ural Cossack army was no less persistent and bitter. The Ural White Cossacks retreated under the pressure of a well-armed, reinforced and full-blooded 25 Infantry Division, commanded by a talented, skilled and brave warrior V.I. Chapaev. Despite the successful raid of the White Cossack detachment on the headquarters of the division in Lbishchensk, which ended in the complete defeat of the headquarters and the death of the legendary commander, the position of the White Cossacks was terrible. Their retreat continued, and among them the outbreak of typhoid and dysentery epidemics. People died like flies. In response to the ultimatum M.V. Frunze most irreconcilable went south along the Caspian Sea. In this most difficult campaign, most died. Of those who reached Tehran, a part entered the service in the Persian division, a part was sent to Vladivostok, then it turned out to be in China. After some time, part of the Cossack emigrants headed by Ataman V.S. Tolstoy moved to Australia. Thus ended the great drama of the glorious Ural Cossack army.
Thus, the 1919 year ended catastrophically for White. The allies abandoned the white movement and were occupied with the device of the post-war world, and simply divided the booty. And she was considerable. Mighty empires collapsed 3: German, Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian. The former Russian Empire burned over a slow fire, and in this flame in torment a new powerful Red Empire was born. The new 1920 year began, and with it the agony of the white movement. The Red Leaders had already seen the victory, and again they smelled the smell of world revolution. But this is a completely different story.
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