Strategist of liberal Russia
From bully to admin
Alexander Stalievich Voloshin, who was the symbol of agonizing Russia at the painful turn of 90 and 2000, was born in 1956 in Moscow in an intelligent family. His father died early and his mother, who taught English at the Diplomatic Academy, raised him. At the end of 90, she was considered one of the best teachers in all of Moscow.
As a child, Voloshin did not shine with talents, did not participate in the Olympiads, but he was known, according to a number of memories, as a bully. Among his exploits (already in the Komsomol age) was riding barefoot on a bet in the Moscow metro to Ploshchad Nogina station (where the CPSU Central Committee and the Komsomol Central Committee were located), which was then associated with risk.
After waiting for 18 years, he married his peers; there was a catastrophic lack of money, but Voloshin preferred to live independently and rented a room in a communal flat; two years later a son was born. After graduating from MIIT, on the distribution went as an engineer on the railway. Contrary to the legends, the train did not drive, but was in charge of the labor organization laboratory; then he headed the Komsomol depot Moscow-Sorting.
Taking up his mind, an independent young man realized the limited prospects on the railway and went to study at the All-Union Academy of Foreign Trade, which opened up qualitatively new prospects. The decision was made surprisingly on time: Voloshin graduated from it in 1986, at the dawn of market reforms, and got a job at the All-Union Research Institute of the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations, where he rose to the position of deputy head of a department.
According to a number of reports, Voloshin began to work there, providing merchants with information useful in organizing foreign trade in automobiles, and at the beginning of 90's he became acquainted with Berezovsky, who headed the AVVA automobile alliance he created at that time. Berezovsky raised money for the creation of a "people's car"; it looks like it was the first financial pyramid in Russia. Voloshin quickly became his business partner (of course, the youngest) and even acted as a personal exchange agent.
In the 1993 year, Voloshin and his partner headed four investment firms that were Berezovsky’s LogVAZ subsidiaries: three investment funds collected privatization checks from the public, and a fourth worked in the financial market.
Energetic Voloshin grew rapidly; some of the firms created or headed by him served the interests of Berezovsky’s structures. In 1993-1996, he headed ESTA Korp, which was called the intermediary between Chara Bank and AVVA, Berezovsky, who still remembered many of his bankruptcies, in which the bank invested most of the money collected from the population in 1994.
In 1995, Voloshin became vice-president, and in 1996-1997 he was president, Federal Fund Corporation JSC (FFK), general agent of the Russian Federal Property Fund for conducting specialized cash auctions, including scandalous pledges. 2% FFK belonged to AVVA Berezovsky. The media reported that FFK lobbied the interests of Berezovsky and Abramovich during at least the privatization of Sibneft.
Careful, efficient, and inventive Voloshin was valued by Berezovsky, and in November 1997, when Berezovsky lost the post of deputy secretary of the Security Council, Voloshin was moved by them to assistants to the head of the presidential administration.
At that time, the "seven bankers", the rampant tyranny of the oligarchs, savagely and selflessly plundering the country after Yeltsin remained in power, real power belonged to the "family", or rather, to the "Tanya-Vali" alliance, as they were then called: the daughter of President Dyachenko and the head of the administration Yumashev, a journalist who once organized the writing and publication of Confessions on a Given Topic.
Oligarchic clans, the key of which were headed by Berezovsky and Chubais, fought for power and "access to the body", influencing the president primarily through Tanya-Valya. In this chaotic and brutal struggle, Voloshin behaved extremely cleverly: realizing Berezovsky's interests, he quickly established contacts with all significant figures. Of course, he was not limited to the civil service - for example, he participated in writing the economic program of General Lebed, promoted by Berezovsky, who became governor of the Krasnoyarsk Territory in May 1998.
Gaining independence
After the default, when Berezovsky’s attempts to put Mr Chernomyrdin in the chair of the prime minister failed, and Ye.M. Primakov became the head of the Russian government, Voloshin replaced Livshits as deputy head of the administration for economic issues. The situation became critical for Berezovsky, he lost power and needed to move up "his" people, that is, those who did not have their own apparatus and political weight, but would unconditionally fulfill his will.
The press laughed at Voloshin: he did not try to look like a thinker, did not fight for popularity, and looked pale against the background of the great Livshits. But he was really active and immediately began to cover Yeltsin with analytical notes, harshly criticizing the Primakov – Maslyukov government.
Voloshin’s struggle with Primakov had reached the point that, as the author of the economic part of the president’s annual address to the Federal Assembly, Voloshin had not allowed the prime minister to familiarize himself with its content (which, of course, ignored the position of the government and the Bank of Russia, reproducing the murderous liberal mantras for the country) .
Voloshin's aggressive position (who criticized the government in any case, including meetings with the IMF delegation, undermining the government's attempts to obtain vital funding after the default) forced E.M. Primakov to seek support from parliament, which was immediately interpreted by Berezovsky, the "family" and the oligarchy on the whole, as a sign of a political game and an attempt to "undermine" the president.
Yeltsin, who absorbed the art of “checks and balances” almost with the first glass of vodka, liked the tension between the presidential administration and the government: in the strife of his subordinates he felt a pledge to maintain his power over them.
It was impossible to work normally under the conditions of the actual war between the administration and the government being waged by Voloshin, even during the deadly crisis, and in December 1998, the head of the administration, Yumashev, was replaced by the former head of the Security Council Bordyuzha, who was ideologically close to E.M. Primakov. The influence of the "family" is evidenced by the fact that Yumashev himself remained in the administration as an adviser.
The replacement of Yumashev was part of the offensive of the state officials against the oligarchs and the liberals serving them; Thus, in January, Prosecutor General Skuratov began an investigation into the activities of liberals in organizing default, Berezovsky’s frauds with Aeroflot and Sibneft’s money, as well as the surveillance of his personal security service over Yeltsin’s entourage. In the same January, Ye.M. Primakov called on both chambers of parliament (in which the idea of impeachment of Yeltsin was already ripe) and the presidential administration to achieve "civil consent" in society in the face of crisis.
Yeltsin’s position was shaken: the parliament rebelled against him (the State Duma was already seeking impeachment), the government relied on the support of the people and was more and more sympathetic in the West, the affairs of his relatives became the subject of a criminal investigation.
With all the animal instinct of power, Yeltsin set about overcoming the crisis by distancing himself from Berezovsky, who, at his insistence, was removed from his post as executive secretary of the CIS (although the heads of state approved his resignation only on April 2).
Already 19 in March, General Bordyuzha, who did not cope with the internal chaos, was defiantly replaced by Voloshin. The diarchy in the presidential administration was over: it returned under the control of the "family". Voloshin was the main weapon of Berezovsky, and then the entire oligarchy in their struggle for power against Ye.M. Primakov, whose government laid the foundation for economic growth. In the course of this struggle, he gained independence and, seeing Berezovsky’s aplomb and self-conceit pushing the “family” away from him and leading to the loss of his influence, he managed to gradually move from him to Abramovich, having enlisted the support of the rising star of the Russian oligarch in time. Although, on the other hand, without his support, Abramovich’s “way up” would probably have been much more thorny.
The birth of a fighter
A month after his appointment as the head of the presidential administration, Voloshin was thrown into the Federation Council, as if on an embrasure of a pillbox, to seek consent to Skuratov's resignation. It was a deliberately disastrous, and, moreover, a completely unprepared mission, which ended in a nightmare: after a timid and unconvincing speech on behalf of the president, senators (governors and heads of regional legislative assemblies) did not release Voloshin from the rostrum, but began asking him questions, the answers to which looked downright pathetic. As a result, Voloshin fled from the Federation Council without even waiting for a vote, but as a result of such a terrifying fiasco, even when he remembered him, a steadfast and courageous political fighter was born.
After the failure in the SovFed, Voloshin, according to the recollections of a number of eyewitnesses, felt a personal threat - and gathered all his strength into a fist to solve the main tasks: dismissing Skuratov, curbing the governor's freemen, crushing E.M. Primakov and preventing Yeltsin's impeachment.
The very next day after his failure in the Federation Council, the governors created a political bloc "All Russia" - and immediately announced their intention to unite it with Luzhkov's "Fatherland" and "All Russia" of the Samara governor Titov. This bloc was clearly anti-presidential and united the masters of key regions - and the elections were already on the way: in December 1999.
For Yeltsin, the situation was catastrophic - that is, psychologically the most comfortable for him - the situation. And he began to act, and Voloshin turned out to be an ideal assistant for him, as recently for Berezovsky.
First of all, also the next day after the failure of the Federation Council, Yeltsin, by his decree, dismissed Skuratov on the absurd pretext (due to the initiation of a criminal case against him). Demoralized after showing a pornographic reel on television, Skuratov did not appeal against the decree in court.
The next step was to gain time in the case of impeachment: Yeltsin informally warned the State Duma that if she did not abandon the idea of impeachment, he would send out the left deputy prime ministers, and then Ye.M. Primakov himself. And to confirm the seriousness of intentions he replaced First Deputy Prime Minister Gustov with the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs S.V. Stepashin.
In confusion, the State Duma leadership postponed the impeachment vote to May 15 - giving Voloshin time to "process" the deputies.
And immediately after the May holidays (before which a government delegation led by First Deputy Prime Minister Yu.D. Masliukov achieved support from the IMF and the World Bank in Washington), the government of EM Primakov was dismissed, which threw the State Duma into intrigues forming a new government. The question of impeachment was put to the vote, but did not receive the necessary support.
The situation was broken in just three weeks, including the May holidays. Voloshin proved his effectiveness and rehabilitated himself for failure in the Federation Council.
On top of power
After Primakov's dismissal, the interests of the oligarchs, united in their hatred of him, diverged, and Voloshin found himself in the position of an arbiter. It was he who, under pressure from Chubais, rejected the attempt by Berezovsky and Abramovich to make N.Ye. Aksenenko the successor of Yeltsin, made without agreement with the rest, and got Yeltsin to nominate S.V. Stepashin. At the same time, Berezovsky, whose positions in the "family" had already greatly weakened, did not protest for fear of finally losing influence.
Gusinsky, whose creators did not get into the Stepashin government at all, declared information war on Yeltsin and his entourage. The retaliatory attacks were carried out by ORT controlled by Berezovsky, but Gusinsky conducted a financial suffocation, and with observance of decency, listening to the parties and conducting correct negotiations, it was Voloshin (it ended only a year later, already under Putin, with memorable today) "dispute between economic entities".
In early August, in spite of the efforts of the presidential administration, it was announced that the Fatherland - All Russia (OVR) bloc was created, headed by Yevgeny Primakov and Yury Luzhkov, supported by Gusinsky. The unification of governors against the president required extreme measures, including to divert attention from Voloshin's role in this process: without his intransigence towards Gusinsky, without his war against Primakov, without his struggle with the governors in the Skuratov case, such a bloc would have been impossible.
The invasion of Basayev's gang into Dagestan demolished Stepashin's government, and the appointment of acting Prime Minister of the then little-known V.V. Putin was obscured by monstrous explosions of houses. By that time, Voloshin irritated both Berezovsky (who was trying to make General Lebed prime minister) and Chubais (because of Stepashin's unmotivated resignation), but he had already acquired his own weight, and most importantly, he unconditionally accepted the figure of V.V. proposed by them, as far as can be judged. .Putin.
A new reality arose - and Voloshin started, among other things, the creation of the Unity bloc, designed to counterbalance the OVR. The idea belonged to Berezovsky, who originally called the bloc "Guys!", But the author of the idea, during its implementation, was removed as an unacceptably odious person.
As soon as it became clear to Yeltsin’s entourage that he made the final choice in favor of Putin, Voloshin began to energetically and consistently help him. During the election campaign, Voloshin was his actual adviser and, moreover, controlled all the papers related to both the elections and the usual work of the acting president.
The “St. Petersburg's” who came with Putin, as a rule, were not experienced not only in puzzling Kremlin intrigues, but also in routine management processes - and Voloshin, faithfully serving the new president, became an absolutely irreplaceable element of the management machine, specializing, among other things, in correcting other people's mistakes.
Without it, it would be impossible to create a "vertical of power" and a scheme of "managed democracy" (then, for the sake of good sound, crossed into "sovereign").
Despite the managerial alienity (Voloshin belonged to the "family", from which Vladimir Putin, as he gained independence, was removed), he always entered the circle of people who are especially close to the president, who did not hesitate to argue with him and appreciated.
Stubborn, tough, hard-working, not just forgetting, but simply not thinking about ordinary human pleasures, Voloshin was an effective guide to decisions made first by Berezovsky, then by Tanya-Valey, and then by Putin. He was called "backstage puppeteer", "a ruthless manipulator with a unique talent of the intriguer," who "surpassed Berezovsky himself with his ability to build complex intrigues," but they were offended by the losers.
By the 2003 year, Vladimir Putin had already resolved the main tasks of strengthening the power and strengthened administratively. The value of Voloshin has decreased, and, on the other hand, it is time to rise to a new level.
Shadow Head Liberal Clan
Today's world is ruled not by states, but by global business. Liberal officials are only a part of the liberal clan that realizes its interests in our country. Voloshin not only became the most influential liberal in Russia; as far as can be judged, he is a link between our liberals and informal financial and political structures operating at the global level.
This is not Chubais, who loved to go to negotiations on behalf of Russia alone and solve problems behind the scenes, but at the same time does not hide his contacts, known even to journalists almost by name.
Voloshin seems to have taken part in resolving issues, the very formulation of which remains taboo to this day - and remains the informal leader of the liberal clan, determining its meaning and strategy. Of course, he also has formal influence - as a member of the boards of directors of various large companies and (since the summer of 2010) head of the working group on the creation of an international financial center. But the main thing, as far as one can judge, is the connection with the global masters of the Russian liberals, created not so much by operational circumstances as by a clear strategic vision, unique in modern Russia.
I will give only one probable example of the realization of this vision.
The Yukos catastrophe began in February 2003 with accusations of corruption that Khodorkovsky publicly threw down to Vladimir Putin's entourage in his presence. Those who know Khodorkovsky cannot imagine that, with all the aplomb and self-confidence, he would do it without prior approval from the presidential administration, which is hinted at in one of his interviews.
At that time, Russia's richest oligarch could coordinate his actions with the only person in the presidential administration: its head. The logic of which, if this agreement really took place, is dazzling.
If an oligarch wins in a clash between an oligarch and a president, Russia gets a weak president, like in Yeltsin's second term, which is comfortable for the oligarchs and the liberal reformers who serve them.
If the president wins, the defeat of the oligarch looks like a persecution of business, the president spoils his reputation in the West and needs to maintain relations with him in a liberal clan, which becomes indispensable and guarantees its future.
Yes, after the arrest of Khodorkovsky, Voloshin, not wanting to spoil his liberal reputation, resigned, but he replaced, as far as can be judged, the strategic and intellectual leadership, by the troublesome and painful administrative work “on 25 hours a day”.
The main feature of Voloshin - clear, uncomplicated strategic thinking. In any situation, he scrupulously analyzes the key link and concentrates all his strength on him, displaying enchanting perseverance and incredible ingenuity.
The only true strategist in modern Russia, he has an extremely simple and democratic style of communication. Do not forgive nonsense and disclosure of information, the confidentiality of which, in his opinion, the interlocutor must understand, he willingly shares it with people known and understandable to him.
If Russia collapses into the power of the liberal clan, Voloshin will again have a decisive influence on our fate. - more precisely, on the fate of the rapidly narrowing circle of people who manage to survive in the conditions of the new destruction of our country.
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