Fig. 1 Flag of Siberia
It should be said that during the 20th century Russian Time of Troubles autonomy was declared not only by Siberia, there was an endless parade of sovereignties. The Cossacks had the same thing. During the collapse of the Russian Empire and the civil war, several Cossack state entities were proclaimed:
Kuban People's Republic
Great Don Army
Tersk Cossack Republic
Ural Cossack Republic
Orenburg Cossack Circle
Siberian-Semirechenskaya Cossack Republic
Transbaikalian Cossack Republic.
Of course, all these centrifugal chimeras arose, first of all, from the powerlessness of the central power, which again happened at the beginning of the 90s. In addition to the national-geographical fault, the Bolsheviks managed to organize an internal split: the formerly single Cossacks were divided into "red" and "white". Part of the Cossacks, especially the youth and the front-line soldiers, were deceived by the promises and promises of the Bolsheviks, and left to fight for the Soviets.
Fig. 2 Red Cossacks
In the Southern Urals, the Red Guards, under the leadership of the working Bolshevik V.K. Blucher and the Red Orenburg Cossacks, brothers Nikolay and Ivan Kashirins, fought surrounded and retreated from Vekhneuralsk to Beloretsk, and from there, reflecting the attacks of the White Cossacks, began a great march along the Ural Mountains under Kungur to join the 3 Red Army. Having fought more than 1000 kilometers in the White backs, the red fighters and Cossacks in the Askino area joined up with the red units. Of these, the 30-Infantry Division was formed, and Blücher was appointed as its commander, and the former Cossack podolesaars of the Kashirins were appointed deputy and commander. All three receive the newly established Order of the Red Banner, and Blucher received it under the number XXUMX. During this period, around 1 thousands of Orenburg Cossacks fought on the side of Ataman Dutov, up to 12 thousands of Cossacks fought for the power of the Soviets. The Bolsheviks created Cossack regiments often on the basis of the old regiments of the tsarist army. So, on the Don for the most part the Cossacks 4, 1 and 15 of the Don regiments went to the Red Army. In battles, the red Cossacks appear as the best fighting units of the Bolsheviks. In June, the Don Red Partisans were reduced to the 32 Socialist Cavalry Regiment (about 1 Sabers) led by Dumenko and his deputy Budenny. In August, this regiment, supplemented by the cavalry of the Martyno-Orlovsky detachment, turned into the 1000 th Don Soviet cavalry brigade led by the same commanders. Dumenko and Budyonny were the initiators of the creation in the Red Army of large equestrian connections. Since the summer of 1, they have persistently urged the Soviet leadership to create equestrian divisions and corps. Their views were shared by K.E. Voroshilov, I.V. Stalin, A.I. Yegorov and other leaders of the 1918 Army. By order of the commander of the 10 army K.E. Voroshilov No. 10 from November 62 28, the Dumenko Cavalry Brigade was reorganized into the Combined Cavalry Division. The commander of the 1918 Cossack Regiment, Army Commander Mironov, also unconditionally sided with the new government. The Cossacks elected him as military commissar of the Ust-Medveditsk District Revolutionary Committee. In the spring of 32, in order to fight the whites, Mironov organized several Cossack partisan detachments, which were then merged into the 1918 division of the Red Army. Starter was appointed Mironov. In September 23 - February 1918 of the year he successfully and famously crushed the white cavalry near Tambov and Voronezh, for which he was awarded the highest award of the Soviet Republic - the Order of the Red Banner under the number XXUMX. However, most of the Cossacks fought for the whites. The Bolshevik leadership saw that it was the Cossacks who made up the majority of the living forces of the white armies. This was especially characteristic of the south of Russia, where two thirds of all Russian Cossacks concentrated on the Don and Kuban. The civil war in the Cossack regions was conducted by the most brutal methods, often practiced the destruction of prisoners and hostages.
Fig. 3 Shooting Cossacks and Hostages
Due to the small number of Red Cossacks, it appeared that all the Cossacks were fighting with the rest of the non-Kazak population. By the end of 1918, it became obvious that in almost every army, approximately 80% of combat-capable Cossacks were fighting the Bolsheviks and about 20% were fighting on the side of the Reds. On the margins of the outbreak of civil war, the white Cossacks of Shkuro were cut with the red Cossacks of Budyonny, the red Cossacks of Mironov fought with the white Cossacks of Mamantov, the white Cossacks of Dutov fought with the red Cossacks of Kashirin, and so on ... A bloody whirlwind swept over the Cossack lands. The grieved Cossacks said: “They shared on whites and reds and let each other chop up to the joy of the Jewish commissars.” The Bolsheviks and the forces behind them, it was only on hand. Such is the great Cossack tragedy. And there were reasons for her. When the 1918 Extraordinary Circle of the Orenburg Cossack Army was held in September 3 in Orenburg, where the first results of the fight against the Soviets were summed up, the chieftain of the 1 district K.A. Kargin with ingenious simplicity and very precisely described the main sources and causes of Bolshevism among the Cossacks. "The Bolsheviks in Russia and in the army were the result of the fact that we have a lot of poor. And neither disciplinary regulations, nor executions do not eliminate discord, as long as we have a poor thing. Eliminate this poor, give her the opportunity to live as a human being - and all these Bolshevisms and other "isms" will disappear. However, it was too late to philosophize, and sharp punitive measures were planned against the supporters of Bolsheviks, Cossacks, non-resident people and their families. It must be said that they differed little from punitive actions of the Reds. The abyss among the Cossacks deepened. In addition to the Ural, Orenburg and Siberian Cossacks in the army of Kolchak were Transbaikalian and Ussuri Cossack troops, who were under the auspices and with the support of the Japanese. Initially, the formation of the armed forces to fight against the Bolsheviks was based on the principle of voluntariness, but in August the mobilization of 19-20 youth was announced; as a result, the Kolchak army began to count up 200 000 people. By August, 1918, only on the Western Front of Siberia, were deployed forces that included up to 120 000 people. Parts of the troops were distributed to three armies: Sibirskaya under the command of Gaida, who broke with the Czechs and made Admiral Kolchak into generals, Zapadnaya under the command of the glorious Cossack General Khanzhin and Yuzhnaya under the command of Ataman of the Orenburg army, General Dutov. The Ural Cossacks, rejecting the Reds, fought battles from Astrakhan to Novonikolayevsk, occupying a front in the 500-600 version. Against these troops, the Reds had people on the Eastern front from 80 to 100 LLC. However, having strengthened the forces by force mobilization, the Reds launched an offensive and on September 9 occupied Kazan, on the 12 of Simbirsk and on October 10 they occupied Samara. By the Christmas holidays, Ufa was taken in red, Siberian armies began to retreat to the east and occupy the aisles of the Ural Mountains, where the armies had to be replenished, put themselves in order and prepare for the spring offensive.
In the south, in the summer of 1918, 25 ages were mobilized into the Don Army and 27 infantry, 000 cavalry, 30 guns, 000 machine guns, 175 aircraft, 610 armored trains were in service, not counting the young standing army. By August, the reorganization of the army was completed. The regiments on foot had 20-4 battalions, 2 bayonets and 3 machine guns in each battalion, the horse regiments were six hundred with 1000 machine guns. The regiments were reduced to brigades and divisions, divisions into corps, which were placed on 8 fronts: the north against Voronezh, the east against Tsaritsyn and the southeast at the village of Velikoknyazheskaya. Of particular beauty and pride of the Don was a standing army of Cossacks of 8-3 years of age. It consisted of: 19st Don Cossack Division - 20 thousand drafts, 1st Plastun brigade - 5 thousand bayonets, 1st rifle brigade - 8 thousand bayonets, 1st sapper battalion - 8 thousand bayonets, technical troops - armored trains , airplanes, armored squadrons, etc. Up to a total of 1 thousand excellent fighters. River was created flotilla from 8 vessels. After bloody battles on July 27, Don units left the army in the north and occupied the city of Boguchar, Voronezh province. The Don army was free of the Red Guard, but further the Cossacks categorically refused to go. With great difficulty, the chieftain managed to carry out the decree of the Circle on crossing the borders of the Don army, which was expressed in the order. But it was a dead letter. Cossacks said: "We will go if the Russians go." But the Russian Volunteer Army was firmly stuck in the Kuban and could not go north. Denikin refused the chieftain. He stated that he should remain in the Kuban until he freed the entire North Caucasus from the Bolsheviks.
Fig. 4 Cossack areas of southern Russia
Under these conditions, the chieftain carefully looked at Ukraine. While in Ukraine there was order, while there was friendship and alliance with the hetman, he was calm. The western border did not require a single soldier from the ataman. With Ukraine went the right exchange of goods. But there was no firm certainty that the hetman would stand. The hetman did not have an army, the Germans prevented him from creating it. There was a good division of the Sich Riflemen, several officer battalions, a very elegant hussar regiment. But it was the parade troops. There was a bunch of generals and officers who were appointed commanders of corps, divisions and regiments. They put on the original Ukrainian zupany, released the oseledy cocks, hung their saber curves, occupied the barracks, issued charters with covers in the Ukrainian language and content in Russian, but there were no soldiers in the army. The entire order was provided by the German garrisons. Their formidable “Halt” silenced all political mongrels. However, the hetman understood that it was impossible to rely on German troops forever and was looking for a defensive alliance with Don, Kuban, Crimea and the peoples of the Caucasus against the Bolsheviks. The Germans supported him in this. On October 20, the hetman and the ataman held talks at Skorokhodovo station and sent a letter to the command of the Volunteer Army, outlining their proposals. But the outstretched hand was rejected. So, the goals of Ukraine, the Don and the Volunteer Army had significant differences. The leaders of Ukraine and the Don considered the main goal of the struggle against the Bolsheviks, and the determination of the structure of Russia was postponed until victory. Denikin adhered to a completely different point of view. He believed that he was on the way only with those who deny any autonomy and unconditionally share the idea of a united and indivisible Russia. It was in the conditions of the Russian Distemper that his enormous epistemological, ideological, organizational and political error, which determined the sad fate of the white movement.
Ataman stood before the fact of harsh reality. Cossacks refused to go beyond the Don Cossacks. And they were right. Voronezh, Saratov and other peasants not only did not fight the Bolsheviks, but also went against the Cossacks. The Cossacks were not without difficulty able to cope with their Don workers, peasants and non-towns, but they could not win the whole of central Russia and understood this very well. The chieftain had the only means to force the Cossacks to go to Moscow. It was necessary to give them a break from military hardship and then force them to join the Russian people's army, advancing on Moscow. He asked for volunteers twice and was refused twice. Then he began to create a new Russian southern army at the expense of Ukraine and the Don. But Denikin in every way prevented this business, calling it a German venture. However, this army was needed Ataman in view of the extreme fatigue of the Don Cossack troops and the decisive refusal of the Cossacks to march to Russia. In Ukraine, for this army were cadres. After the exacerbation of relations between the Volunteer Army and the Germans and Skoropadsky, the Germans began to hinder the movement of volunteers to the Kuban and in Ukraine there were a lot of people ready to fight the Bolsheviks, but who had no such opportunity. From the very beginning, the Kiev Union “Our Homeland” became the main supplier of personnel for the southern army. The monarchical orientation of this organization sharply narrowed the social base for recruiting the army, since monarchical ideas were very unpopular with the people. Thanks to the propaganda of the socialists, the word king was still a bogey to many people. The peasants inextricably linked the name of the king with the idea of harsh collection of taxes, sale of the last cows for debt to the state, domination of landlords and capitalists, gold miners-officers and officer's stick. In addition, they feared the return of landowners and punishment for the destruction of their estates. Simple Cossacks did not want to be restored, because they connected with the concept of monarchy the universal, long-term, compulsory military service, the obligation to equip themselves and contain combat horses that were not needed in the economy. Cossack officers linked Tsarism with ideas of the devastating "privilege." The Cossacks liked their new independent system, they were embarrassed that they themselves were discussing issues of power, land and subsoil. The king and the monarchy were contrasted with the concept of freedom. It is difficult to say what the intelligentsia was willing and afraid of, for she herself never knows. She is like that Baba Yaga, which is "always against." In addition, General Ivanov, also a monarchist, a man very honored, but already sick and elderly, took the command of the southern army. As a result, little has come of this venture.
And the Soviet government, everywhere suffering defeat, since July 1918, began to properly organize the Red Army. With the help of officers recruited into it, the scattered Soviet detachments were consolidated into military units. In the regiments, brigades, divisions and corps specialists of military affairs were put in command posts. The Bolsheviks succeeded in bringing a split not only among the Cossacks, but also among the officers. It was divided into about three equal parts: for the whites, for the red, and for no one. Here is another great tragedy.
Fig. 5 Mother's tragedy. One son for whites, and the other for red
The Don army had to fight already with an organized militarily adversary. By August, more than 70 000 fighters, 230 guns with 450 machine guns were concentrated against the Don Army. The numerical superiority of the enemy forces created a difficult position for Don. This situation was aggravated by political turmoil. On August 15, after the liberation of the entire territory of the Don from the Bolsheviks in Novocherkassk, the Great Military Circle convened from the entire population of the Don. It was no longer the former "gray" circle of Don's salvation. The intelligentsia and semi-intelligentsia, national teachers, lawyers, clerks, clerks, solicitors entered it, managed to capture the minds of the Cossacks and the Circle broke up into districts, villages, parties. From the very first meetings on the Circle, opposition to Ataman Krasnov, which had roots in the Volunteer Army, opened. Ataman was blamed for his friendly relations with the Germans, the desire for a solid independent power and independence. And indeed, Bolshevism Ataman contrasted Cossack chauvinism, internationalism with Cossack nationalism, and Russian imperialism with Don independence. Very few then understood the significance of Don separatism as a transitional phenomenon. Denikin did not understand this either. He was annoyed by everything on Don: anthem, flag, coat of arms, chieftain, Circle, discipline, satiety, order, Don patriotism. He considered all this to be a manifestation of separatism and fought against the Don and the Kuban by all means. As a result, he cut the branch on which he was sitting. As soon as the civil war ceased to be national and popular, it became a class war and could not be successful for whites because of the large number of the poorest class. First, the peasants, and then the Cossacks fell away from the Volunteer Army and the white movement, and it died. They talk about treason Cossacks Denikin, but it is not, but quite the opposite. If Denikin had not changed the Cossacks, had not cruelly insulted their young national feelings, they would not have left him. In addition, the decision made by the ataman and the Military Circle to continue the war outside the Don intensified anti-war propaganda from the Reds, and in parts of the Cossacks began to spread the ideas that the ataman and the government were pushing the Cossacks to alien conquests outside the Don, which the Bolsheviks did not impose . The Cossacks wanted to believe that the really Bolsheviks of the territory of the Don were not touched and that they could be agreed. The Cossacks reasonably argued: "We liberated our lands from the Reds, let the Russian soldiers and peasants continue the struggle against them, and we can only help them." In addition, for the summer field work on the Don, manpower was needed, and because of this, older ages had to be released and dismissed from their homes, which greatly affected the size and combat capability of the army. Bearded cossacks with their authority firmly united and disciplined hundreds. But despite the machinations of the opposition, popular wisdom and national egoism prevailed on the Circle over the cunning attacks of political parties. The policy of the ataman was approved, and he 12 September re-elected. Ataman firmly understood that Russia itself must save Russia. He did not believe the Germans, much less allies. He knew that foreigners were not going to Russia for Russia, but to snatch as much as possible from her. He also understood that for Germany and France, for opposite reasons, Russia is needed strong and powerful, and England is weak, fragmented into parts, federal.
The fighting on the border of the Don region by the end of the summer concentrated around Tsaritsyn, which also did not enter the Don region. The defense there was headed by the future Soviet leader I.V. Stalin, whose organizational skills now continue to doubt except the most ignorant and stubborn. Escaping the Cossacks with the propaganda of the futility of fighting them outside the Don, the Bolsheviks concentrated large forces on this front. However, the first offensive of the Reds was repelled, and they moved to Kamyshin and the lower Volga. At a time when the Volunteer Army during the summer was fighting to clean the Kuban region from the army paramedic Sorokin, the Don Army ensured its activity on all fronts against the Reds from Tsaritsyn to Taganrog. During the summer of 1918, the Don Army suffered heavy losses, up to 40% of Cossacks and up to 70% of officers. The quantitative superiority of the Reds and the extensive front-line space did not allow the Cossack regiments to leave the front and go to the rear to rest. Cossacks were in constant combat tension. Not only the people got tired, but the horse staff was also exhausted. Severe conditions and the lack of proper hygiene began to cause infectious diseases, typhoid appeared in the troops. In addition, part of the Reds under the command of the Redneck, defeated in battles north of Stavropol, went in the direction of Tsaritsyn. The appearance from the Caucasus of a volunteer army of Sorokin was a threat from the flank and rear of the Don Army, which led a stubborn struggle against the garrison in 50 000 man who occupied Tsaritsyn. With the onset of cold and general fatigue, the Don units began to depart from Tsaritsyn.
But what about the Kuban? The lack of weapons and soldiers of the Volunteer Army was filled with enthusiasm and dashing. In an open field, under hurricane fire, officer companies, striking the imagination of the enemy, moved in orderly chains and drove ten times larger than the Red forces in numbers.
Fig. 6 Attack of an officer company
Successful battles, accompanied by the capture of a large number of prisoners, lifted the spirits in the Kuban villages, and the Cossacks began to en masse weapon. The composition of the Volunteer Army, which suffered great losses, was supplemented by a large number of Kuban Cossacks, volunteers arriving from all over Russia and people from partial mobilization of the population. The need for a unified command with all the forces that fought against the Bolsheviks was recognized by the entire command staff. In addition, it was necessary for the leaders of the White movement to take into account the all-Russian situation prevailing in the revolutionary process. Unfortunately, none of the leaders of the Goodwill, who claimed the role of leaders on the national scale, did not have the flexibility and dialectical philosophy. The dialectic of the Bolsheviks, who, to keep power, gave the Germans more than a third of the territory and population of European Russia, of course, could not serve as an example, but Denikin’s claims for the role of the immaculate and unshakable guardian of “united and indivisible Russia” could only be ridiculous under the conditions of the Troubles. Under the conditions of a multifactorial and merciless struggle of “all with all,” he did not possess the necessary flexibility and dialectics. The refusal of the ataman Krasnov to subordinate to Denikin the administration of the Don Region, was understood by him not only as the personal vanity of the ataman, but also as the hidden independence of the Cossacks. All parts of the Russian Empire, striving to establish order with their own forces, were considered by Denikin to be the enemies of the white movement. The local authorities of Kuban Denikin also did not recognize, and punitive detachments began to be sent against them from the first days of the struggle. Military efforts were scattered, significant forces were diverted from the main goal. The main parts of the population, objectively supporting the whites, not only did not join the struggle, but became its opponents. The front demanded a large number of the male population, but it was necessary to reckon with the demands of internal work, and often Cossacks who were at the front were released from parts for certain periods. The Kuban government freed some ages from mobilization, and General Denikin saw this as “dangerous prerequisites and manifestations of sovereignty”. The army was fed at the expense of the Kuban population. The Kuban government paid all the costs of supplying the Volunteer Army, which could not complain about the supply of food. At the same time, under the laws of wartime, the Volunteer Army claimed for itself the right to all property seized from the Bolsheviks, cargoes going to the Reds, the right of requisition, and more. Other means of replenishing the treasury of Dobromrmii were indemnities imposed on villages, which showed hostile actions against it. To account for and distribute this property, General Denikin organized a commission of public figures of the military-industrial committee. The activity of this commission went in such a way that a significant part of the cargo was spoiled, a part was stolen, among the members of the commission there was a scolding that the commission was made up of persons mostly unprepared, useless, even harmful and ignorant. The immutable law of any army is that everything beautiful, brave, heroic, noble goes to the front, and everything that is cowardly, deviating from battle, all craving not for feat and glory, but for gain and outdoor brilliance, all speculators gather in the rear. People who have not seen a one-hundred-ticket before, they turn in millions of rubles, they are dizzy with this money, they are selling "booty" here, here are their heroes. The front is torn off, barefoot, naked and hungry, and here sit people in cleverly-sewn Circassian coats, in colored towers, French jackets and breeches.
There are hospitals with doctors, nurses and sisters of mercy. Here is love and jealousy. So it was in all armies, so it was in the white armies. Along with ideological people, the self-seekers walked into the white movement. These self-seekers firmly settled in the rear and flooded Ekaterinodar, Rostov and Novocherkassk. Their behavior cut sight and hearing of the army and the population. In addition, for General Denikin, it was not clear why the Kuban government, freeing the region, put the same people who were under the Bolsheviks into place of the rulers, renaming them from commissars to atamans. He did not understand that the business qualities of each Cossack were determined in the conditions of the Cossack democracy by the Cossacks themselves. However, not being able to bring order to the regions liberated from power by the Bolsheviks himself, General Denikin remained irreconcilable to the local Cossack orders and to the local national organizations, who lived their own customs in pre-revolutionary times. They enrolled in them as hostile “independent criminals”, and punitive measures were taken against them. All these reasons could not contribute to attracting the population to the side of the white army. At the same time, General Denikin, both during the Civil War and in emigration, thought a lot, but to no avail, about the completely inexplicable (from his point of view) epidemic spread of Bolshevism. Moreover, the Kuban army, geographically and by origin, was divided into the army of the Black Sea Cossacks, resettled by the decree of Empress Catherine II after the destruction of the Dnieper army, and the lineans, whose population was displaced from the Don region and from the Volga Cossack communities.
These two units, making up one army, were different in character. In both parts they were kept historical past. The Black Sea people were heirs to the troops of the Dnieper Cossacks and Zaporozhye, whose ancestors, due to their many times demonstrated political instability, turned out to be destroyed as an army. Moreover, the Russian authorities only completed the destruction of the Dnieper Army, and Poland began it, under the rule of the kings of which the Dnieper Cossacks were for a long time. This unstable orientation of the Little Russians has brought many tragedies in the past, it is enough to recall the inglorious fate and death of their last talented hetman Mazepa. This turbulent past and other features of the Little Russian character imposed strong specifics on the behavior of the Kuban in the civil war. The Kuban Rada was divided into 2 trends: Ukrainian and independent. The leaders of the Rada Bych and Ryabovol suggested merging with Ukraine, the independent people stood for the establishment of a federation in which the Kuban would be completely independent. And they both dreamed and sought to free themselves from Denikin's care. He, in turn, considered them all traitors. The moderate part of the Rada, the front-line soldiers and the chieftain Filimonov held on to volunteers. With the help of volunteers, they wanted to free themselves from the Bolsheviks. But the chieftain Filimonov had little authority among the Cossacks, they had other heroes: Pokrovsky, Shkuro, Ulagai, Pavlyuchenko. Kuban people liked them very much, but their behavior was difficult to predict. The behavior of numerous Caucasian nationalities was even more unpredictable, which determined the great specifics of the civil war in the Caucasus. Frankly, with all their zigzags and freaks, the Reds used all this specificity much better than Denikin.
Many hopes of whites were associated with the name of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich Romanov. Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich lived all this time in the Crimea, not openly entering into political events. He was strongly oppressed by the idea that by sending his telegram to the sovereign with a request for renunciation, he contributed to the death of the monarchy and the destruction of Russia. The Grand Duke wanted to make amends for this and take part in the combat work. However, in response to General Alekseev's lengthy letter, the Grand Duke responded with just one phrase: “Be calm” ... and General Alekseev 25 September passed away. The High Command and the civil part of the administration of the liberated territories were fully united in the hands of General Denikin.
Heavy continuous battles exhausted both sides of the belligerents in the Kuban. The Reds also fought among the high command. The commander of the 11 Army, the former paramedic Sorokin, was eliminated, and the command was transferred to the Revolutionary Military Council. Not finding support in the army, Sorokin fled from Pyatigorsk in the direction of Stavropol. 17 October, he was caught, imprisoned, where he was killed without any trial. After the killing of Sor-kin, as a result of internal squabbles among the red leaders and from impotent rage to the stubborn resistance of the Cossacks, also wanting to intimidate the population, an exemplary 106 hostage was carried out in Mineralnye Vody. Among those executed was General Radko-Dmitriev, a Bulgarian in the Russian service, and General Ruzsky, who so persistently urged the last Russian Emperor to abdicate the throne. After the sentence, General Ruzsky was asked: "Do you now recognize the great Russian revolution?" He replied: "I see only one great robbery." It should be added to this that the beginning of the robbery was laid by him at the headquarters of the Northern Front, where violence was made over the will of the emperor, who was forced to abdicate the throne. As for the bulk of the former officers who were in the North Caucasus, it turned out to be completely inert to the events taking place, showing no desire to serve either white or red, which decided their fate. Almost all of them were "just in case" red destroyed.
In the Caucasus, the class struggle was heavily mixed in on the national question. Among the numerous peoples inhabiting it, Georgia had the greatest political importance, and in the economic sense - Caucasian oil. In political and territorial terms, Georgia was primarily under pressure from Turkey. Soviet power, but to the Brest peace, ceded Turkey Kars, Ardahan and Batum, which Georgia could not recognize. Turkey recognized the independence of Georgia, but the territorial demands were made even more severe than those of the Brest Peace. Georgia refused to carry them out, the Turks launched an offensive and occupied Kars, heading for Tiflis. Not recognizing the Soviet power, Georgia sought to ensure the independence of the country by armed force and began the formation of the army. But Georgia was ruled by political figures who took an active part after the revolution as part of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies. These same people now ingloriously tried to build the Georgian army on the same principles that at one time led the Russian army to decomposition. In the spring of 1918, the struggle for Caucasian oil began. A German cavalry brigade and several battalions were withdrawn from the Bulgarian front by the German command and transferred to Batum and Poti, which was rented by Germany for 60 years. However, the Turks were the first to appear in Baku, and the fanaticism of Turkish Mohammedanism, ideas and propaganda of the Reds, the strength and money of the British and Germans collapsed there. Since ancient times, there was irreconcilable hostility between Armenians and Azerbaijanis in the Transcaucasus (at that time they were called Turco-Tatars). After the established power of the Soviets, the age-old enmity was intensified by religion and politics. Two camps were created: the Soviet-Armenian proletariat and the Turkish-Tatars. Back in March, 1918, one of the Soviet-Armenian regiments, returning from Persia, seized power in Baku and slaughtered whole blocks of Turkish-Tatars, destroying people to 10000. For several months, the power in the city remained in the hands of the Red Armenians. In early September, a Turkish corps under the command of Mursal Pasha arrived in Baku, dispersed the Baku commune and occupied the city. With the arrival of the Turks, the massacre of the Armenian population began. Muslims triumphed.
Germany, after the Peace of Brest, was fortified on the shores of the Azov and Black Seas, in whose ports part of their fleet was deployed. In the coastal cities of the Black Sea, German sailors, who sympathized with the unequal struggle of the Goodwill with the Bolsheviks, offered their help to the army headquarters, which Denikin contemptuously rejected. Georgia, separated from Russia by a mountain range, had a connection with the northern part of the Caucasus through a narrow strip of coast that formed the Black Sea gubernia. Having attached the Sukhum district to its territory, Georgia advanced by September an armed detachment under the command of General Mazniev in Tuapse. This was a fatal decision when, in the Civil War, they threw in the yeasts of the national interests of the newly emerged states with all their acuteness and intractability. Against the Volunteer Army towards the Tuapse, the Georgians sent a detachment to 3000 people with 18 guns. The Georgians began to erect fortifications on the coast to the north, while a small German landing force landed in Sochi and Adler. General Denikin began to reproach the representatives of Georgia for the difficult and humiliating situation of the Russian population in Georgia, plundering the Russian state property, the invasion and occupation by the Georgians, together with the Germans, of the Black Sea province. To which Georgia replied: “The volunteer army is a private organization ... In this situation, the Sochi district should become part of Georgia ...”. In this dispute between the leaders of the Goodwill and Georgia, the government of the Kuban was completely on the side of Georgia. The Kubanians had friendly relations with Georgia. It soon became clear that the Sochi district was occupied by Georgia with the consent of Kuban, and that there were no misunderstandings between Kuban and Georgia.
Such turbulent events that developed in the Transcaucasus did not leave any room for the problems of the Russian Empire and its last stronghold, the Volunteer Army. Therefore, General Denikin finally turned his gaze to the East, where the government of Admiral Kolchak was formed. An embassy was sent to him, and then was followed by Denikin’s admiral Kolchak’s recognition as the Supreme Ruler of national Russia.
Meanwhile, the defense of the Don continued on the front from Tsaritsyn to Taganrog. Throughout the summer and autumn, the Don Army, without any outside help, conducted heavy and constant battles on the main axes from Voronezh and Tsaritsyn. Instead of the Red Army gangs, the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army (RKKA), which had just been created by the efforts of military experts, had already fought against the people's Don Army instead of the Red Guard gangs. By the end of the 1918, the Red Army already had 299 regular regiments, including on the eastern front against Kolchak, there were 97 regiments, on the northern against the Finns and Germans of the 38 regiments, on the western against the Polish-Lithuanian forces 65 regiments, on the southern 99 regiments, of which on the Don front there was the 44 regiment, on the Astrakhan 5 regiments, on the Kursk-Bryansk 28 regiments, against Denikin and the Kuban 22 regiment. The army was commanded by the Revolutionary Military Council led by Bronstein (Trotsky), the Defense Council led by Ulyanov (Lenin) became the head of all the country's military efforts. The headquarters of the Southern Front in Kozlov received in October the task to demolish the Don Cossacks and take, by all means, Rostov and Novocherkassk. Front commanded by General Sytin. The front consisted of Sorokin’s 11 Army, headquarters in Nevinnomyssk against volunteers and Kuban troops, Antonov’s 12 Army, Astrakhan headquarters, Voroshilov’s 10 Army, Tsaritsyn Headquarters, General Egorov’s 9 Army, Balashov Headquarters, Balashov Headquarters, 8 Army, General Army Yegorov’s headquarters, Balashovo XNUMX Army, headquarters in Tsaritsyn, XNUMX Army, Antonov X. XNUMX th army of General Chernavin, headquarters in Voronezh. Sorokin, Antonov and Voroshilov were remnants of the previous electoral system, and the fate of Sorokin had already been decided, Voroshilov was looking for a replacement, and all the other commanders were former headquarters officers and generals of the imperial army. Thus, the situation on the Don front was composed in a very formidable way. The ataman and army commanders, Generals Denisov and Ivanov, were aware that the times when one Cossack was enough for ten Red Guards passed and understood that the period of “handicraft” operations was over. Don Army was preparing to fight back. The offensive was stopped, the troops moved away from the Voronezh province and entrenched in the fortified belt along the border of the Don Army. Relying on the left flank of the Ukraine, occupied by the Germans, and right on the difficult-to-reach Trans-Volga region, the ataman hoped to keep the defense until the spring, during this time, strengthening and strengthening his army. But man proposes, and God disposes.
In November, for the Don, exclusively adverse events of a general political nature took place. The Allies defeated the Central Powers, Kaiser Wilhelm abdicated the throne, a revolution and disintegration of the army began in Germany. German troops began to leave Russia. German soldiers did not obey their commanders, they were already ruled by their Soviets of Soldiers' Deputies. More recently, the formidable “Halt” harsh German soldiers stopped crowds of workers and soldiers in Ukraine, but now they humbly allowed themselves to be disarmed by the Ukrainian peasants. And then Ostap suffered. Ukraine boiled up, began to stir up revolts, in each volost there appeared their own "batko" and the civil war famously rolled around the country. Hetman, Haidmatchin, Petliurism, Makhnovshchina ... All this was heavily mixed in Ukrainian nationalism and separatism. Many works have been written about this period and dozens of films have been shot, including incredibly popular ones. If you remember "Wedding in Malinovka" or "Red Devils", then you can vividly imagine ... the future of Ukraine.
And then Petlyura, having united with Vinnichenko, raised a revolt of the Sich archers. There was no one to suppress the rebellion. The hetman of his army was not. The German Council of Deputies concluded a truce with Petliura, who urged the trains, and the German soldiers loaded into them, abandoning their positions and armaments, and sent home. Under these conditions, the French command on the Black Sea promised to the hetman of the 3-4 division. But at Versailles, on the Thames and the Potomac, they looked at it quite differently. Big politicians saw in united Russia a threat to Persia, India, the Middle and Far East. They wanted to see Russia destroyed, fragmented and burned over slow fire. In Soviet Russia they followed the events with fear and trepidation. Objectively, the victory of the Allies was the defeat of Bolshevism. Both commissioners and Red Army men understood this. As the people of Don said that they could not fight with the whole of Russia, the Red Army men understood that they could not fight against the whole world. But to fight and did not have to. In Versailles, they did not want to save Russia, did not want to share the fruits of victory with it, so they postponed help. There was another reason. Although the British and French said that Bolshevism is a disease of the defeated armies, and they are winners and their armies are not touched by this terrible disease. But this was not the case. Their soldiers did not want to fight any more with anyone, their armies were already being eaten away by the same terrible gangrene of war tiredness as the others. And when the allies did not come to Ukraine, the Bolsheviks had hope of victory. To protect Ukraine and the hetman remained a hastily formed squad of officers and junkers. Hetman's troops were defeated, the Ukrainian Council of Ministers surrendered Kiev to the Petliurists, bargaining for the right of themselves and the officers to evacuate the Don and Kuban. Getman escaped.
The return of Petliura to power was colorfully described in the novel “Days of the Turbins” by Mikhail Bulgakov: chaos, murder, violence against Russian officers and simply over Russians in Kiev. And then the stubborn struggle against Russia, not only against the red, but against the white. Petliurists in the occupied territories staged a terrible terror, massacre and genocide of Russians. The Soviet command, having learned about it, moved the army of Antonov to Ukraine, which easily defeated the Petliura gangs and occupied Kharkov, and then Kiev. Petliura fled to Kamenetz-Podolsk. In Ukraine, after the Germans left, huge stocks of military property remained, which went to red. This gave them the opportunity to form the ninth army from the side of Ukraine and direct it against the Don from the west. With the departure of the German units from the borders of the Don and Ukraine, the position of the Don was complicated in two respects: the army was deprived of the replenishment of armaments and military supplies, and a new, western frond was added with a stretch of 600 vers. For the command of the Red Army, there were ample opportunities to use the prevailing conditions, and they decided to first defeat the Don Army, and then destroy the Kuban and Volunteer armies. All the attention of Ataman Don Cossacks now was drawn to the western borders. But there was a belief that the allies would come and help out. The intelligentsia was disposed to the allies lovingly, enthusiastically and looked forward to them with impatience. Due to the widespread Anglo-French education and literature, the British and French, despite the remoteness of these countries, were closer to the Russian educated heart than the Germans. Especially Russians, for this social stratum is traditionally and firmly convinced that there can be no prophets in our Fatherland by definition. The simple people, including the Cossacks, had other priorities in this regard. The Germans enjoyed sympathy and liked simple Cossacks as a serious and hardworking people; ordinary people viewed the Frenchman as a frivolous creature with some contempt, an Englishman with great distrust. In the Russian people there was a firm conviction that during the period of Russian successes, “the Englishwoman always shits.” It soon became clear that the Cossacks faith in the allies turned out to be an illusion and a chimera.
Denikin's attitude towards Don was ambivalent. While Germany’s affairs were good, and supplies went to Ukraine from the Don, the attitude of Denikin to Ataman Krasnov was cold, but restrained. But as soon as it became known about the victory of the Allies, everything changed. General Denikin began to avenge the ataman for independence and to show that now everything is in his hands. On November 13 in Ekaterinodar, Denikin convened a meeting of representatives of the Dobronarmiya, Don and Kuban, at which he demanded that 3 should resolve the main issues. On a single government (dictatorship of General Denikin), a single command and a single representation in front of the allies. The meeting did not come to an agreement, and relations became even more aggravated, and with the arrival of the Allies, a cruel intrigue began against the ataman and the Don Cossacks. Denikin’s agents among the allies, the ataman Krasnov, had long been represented as a figure of “German orientation.” All attempts of the chieftain to change this characteristic have not been successful. In addition, when meeting foreigners Krasnov always ordered to play the old Russian anthem. At the same time, he said: “I have two possibilities. Or play in such cases, "God Save the Tsar," without attaching meaning to the words, or a funeral march. I deeply believe in Russia, because I cannot play the funeral march. I play the Russian anthem. ” Ataman for it abroad was considered also a monarchist. As a result, Don had no help from the allies. But the ataman was not up to parry intrigue. The military situation has changed dramatically, the Don Army threatened death. Attaching special importance to the territory of the Don, by November the Soviet power against the Don army concentrated four armies numbering 125 LLC fighters with 468 guns and 1337 machine guns. The rear of the Red armies were reliably covered by railway lines, which ensured the transfer of troops and maneuvering, and the units of the Reds increased in numbers. Winter was early and cold. With the onset of cold weather, diseases developed, and typhoid began. 60-thousandth Don Army began to numerically melt and freeze, and there was no place to take replenishments. The resources of manpower on the Don were completely exhausted, the Cossacks were mobilized from 18 to 52 years, and were older as volunteers. It was clear that with the defeat of the Don Army, the Volunteer Army would also cease to exist. But the front was held by the Don Cossacks, which allowed General Denikin, taking advantage of the difficult situation on the Don, to wrestle the war against the ataman Krasnov through members of the Troop Circle. At the same time, the Bolsheviks resorted to their tried and tested means - the most tempting promises, for which there was nothing but unprecedented treachery. But these promises sounded very attractive and humane. The Bolsheviks promised the Cossacks peace and the full immunity of the borders of the Don Cossacks, if the latter lay down their arms and go home.
They pointed out that the allies would not help them, even on the contrary, they help the Bolsheviks. The struggle against the times of the enemy forces that were superior to 2-3 oppressed the morale of the Cossacks, and the Red’s promise to establish peaceful relations in some parts began to find supporters. Separate parts began to leave the front, exposing him, and, finally, the regiments of the Upper Don District decided to enter into negotiations with the Reds and ceased resistance. The truce was concluded on the basis of self-determination and friendship of peoples. Many Cossacks went home. Through the ruptures of the front, the Reds penetrated into the deep rears of the defending units and without any pressure the Cossacks of the Khopyorsk region rolled back. The Don army, leaving the northern districts, retreated to the line of the Seversky Donets, surrendering the village of Mironovskii to the village behind the stanitsa. The chieftain had not a single free Cossack, everything was sent to the defense of the western front. The threat arose over Novocherkassk. Only volunteers or allies could save the situation.
By the time the front of the Don Army collapsed in the Kuban and North Caucasus regions, they had already been freed from the Reds. By November 1918, the armed forces in Kuban consisted of 35 thousands of Kuban and 7 thousands of volunteers. These forces were free, but General Denikin was in no hurry to assist the exhausted Don Cossacks. The situation and the allies demanded a unified command. But not only the Cossacks, but the Cossack officers and generals did not want to obey the royal generals. This collision needed to be solved somehow. Under pressure from the allies, General Denikin invited the ataman and the Don government to meet for a meeting in order to clarify the relationship between Don and the Command of the Goodwill. December 26 The 1918 year in Torgovaya gathered for a meeting Don commanders Donisov, Polyakov, Smagin, Ponomarev on the one hand and generals Denikin, Dragomirov, Romanovsky and Shcherbachev on the other. The meeting was opened by the speech of General Denikin. Starting with a presentation of the broad perspectives of the struggle against the Bolsheviks, he urged those present to forget personal insults and insults. The question of unified command for all commanders was a vital necessity, and it was clear to everyone that all the armed forces, incomparably smaller in comparison with enemy units, should be united under one common leadership and directed towards one goal: the destruction of the center of Bolshevism and the occupation of Moscow. Negotiations were very hard and constantly came to a standstill. There were too many differences between the command of the Volunteer Army and the Cossacks, in the field of politics, tactics and strategy. Still, with great difficulty and big concessions, Denikin managed to subjugate the Don Army.
In these difficult days, the ataman received the military mission of the Allies, led by General Pull. They examined the troops in positions and in reserve, factories, workshops, stud farms. The more I saw the Bullets, the more I realized that help was needed immediately. But in London there was a completely different opinion. After his report, Pull was removed from the leadership of the mission in the Caucasus and replaced by General Briggs, who did nothing without a team from London. And there were no teams to help the Cossacks. England needed Russia weakened, exhausted and immersed in the permanent unrest. Instead of helping the French mission, the ataman and the Don government issued an ultimatum in which they demanded that the ataman and the Don government be fully subordinated to the French command on the Black Sea and fully compensated for all the losses of French citizens (read coal miners) in the Donbas. Under these conditions, a campaign against the ataman and the Don Cossacks continued in Ekaterinodar. General Denikin maintained contacts and conducted ongoing negotiations with the Chairman of the Circle Kharlamov and other leaders from the opposition ataman. However, realizing the seriousness of the situation of the Don Army, Denikin sent a division of May-Mayevsky to the region of Mariupol and another 2 Kuban divisions were echeloned and waited for an order to speak. But there was no order, Denikin was waiting for the decision of the Circle regarding the ataman Krasnov.
The Big Military Circle gathered on February 1. It was not the same circle as August 15 in the days of victories. The faces were the same, but the expression is not that. Then all the front-line soldiers were in uniform, orders and medals. Now all the Cossacks and junior officers were without epaulets. The circle in the person of its gray part was democratized and played under the Bolsheviks. 2 February The Circle expressed mistrust to the commander and chief of staff of the Don Army, Generals Denisov and Polyakov. In response, the ataman Krasnov was offended for his comrades-in-arms and resigned as the ataman. The circle did not accept it at first. But in the lobby dominated the opinion that without the resignation of the chieftain there would be no help from the allies and Denikin. After that, Krug accepted his resignation. In his place was elected chieftain General Bogayevsky. 3 February Circle was visited by General Denikin, where he was greeted with stormy applause. Now the Volunteer, Don, Kuban, Terek armies and the Black Sea Fleet were combined under his command called the Armed Forces of Southern Russia (VSYUR).
The truce of the North Don Cossacks with the Bolsheviks continued, however, not for long. A few days after the ceasefire, the Reds appeared in the villages and began to produce wild reprisals among the Cossacks. They began to take away bread, steal cattle, kill the rebellious and produce violence. In response to the February 26, an uprising began that swept the villages of Kazan, Migulinskaya, Veshenskaya and Elanskaya. The defeat of Germany, the elimination of the chieftain Krasnov, the creation of the All-Union Socialist League and the rebellion of the Cossacks began a new stage in the struggle against the Bolsheviks in southern Russia. But this is a completely different story.
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