On the political underplay of harassment Strelkova

As is quite obvious, the campaign launched yesterday on the persecution of Strelkov did not arise from scratch and has a purely political genesis. After leaving Slavyansk, where, as many believed, he would die with his brigade, he became the so-called "wild card", which broke a number of previously existing layouts.
In fact, the political background of leaving Slavyansk was no less significant than the military one. If the military need has previously been described in detail, then it is time to point out the political background of the Strelkov maneuver.
After the turn of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation in Ukraine in April 2014, almost all the threads of the decisions on the Donbas began to isolate themselves on Surkov, and even Volodin was de facto removed from curating the issue. After it became obvious that the introduction of troops was either postponed or completely removed from the agenda, the question arose on what to do with what is happening in the Donbas. Since, for internal political reasons, the DNR and LNR were fraught with internal shocks (the risk of which is much more than some people think), they chose an intermediate option when, against the background of the retreat of official diplomacy, Moscow continued the tacit support of the rebel republics (which then propagandists gave out for CPR ).
At the same time, a course was taken for the formation of Novorossia, which according to the plans was to be headed by Tsarev, who, while in Moscow, began to receive funding (along with a number of other people who were supposed to replace him in case of failure) and to whom the so-called people's the governors of Novorossiya in the number of 7-9 people, who are mostly virtual figures. The first attempt to implant Tsarev in the Donbass ended in failure: Tsarev proclaimed Novorossia, and a number of figures like Bolotov and Beard said that Tsarev could declare what he wanted there, but other people make decisions, followed by picking of defendants accusing local leaders in regionalism. From the second attempt, Tsarev was still seated in the Donbass, as Moscow closed on him part of the funding channels and humanitarian aid, and the local leaders were forced to subdue their pride.
When the development of the situation in the Donbass with the filing of the United States, providing cover for the junta, began to develop in an unfavorable direction, a course was taken to create on the territory of the DPR and the LPR a kind of transnistria based on 2 republics with a population of 7 million people (the idea of New Russia from several regions - for some time only a propaganda phantom).
They tried to coordinate the creation of this project with the United States and Kiev, but they were denied, so they embarked on agreements with Akhmetov and his people who were offered to support the uprising under the guarantees of power and property and take a certain position in the structures of the new state. All these dances around the nationalization of the property of Akhmetov, when Pushilin at first threatened to take everything away, and then Boroday spoke and said that we are not Communists and will not take anything away, and then we will select new threats, even if not all, above all, external echoes of the ongoing auction with Akhmetov and his people. The surrender of Mariupol, to which Akhmetov had a hand, by blocking the intelligible work of preparing the defense of the city, is, so to speak, one of the parts of the “dialogue”. History with Khodakovsky, who already when he was the commander of the Vostok, continued to take money from Akhmetov and substituted his people, is also part of these backstage sales when Amkhetov essentially eliminated uncontrollable militias so that they did not begin to build the DPR in all seriousness.
The problem of the DPR, in fact, is that Akhmetov still has a great influence on the leadership of the DPR and the Donetsk elites. Moscow takes this moment into account and tries to negotiate with it (represented by Surkov and a number of responsible persons). But the junta and the USA, of course, are aware of these movements, and Akhmetov, whose financial capital is in the West, they hold for one place as tightly as possible. Therefore, these trades do not bring closer, but postpone the release of the DPR and the LPR, although the curators of the Ukrainian question seriously believe that their plan with Akhmetov will burn out.
It is these trades with Akhmetov, who has contacts with Moscow and Kiev, led to a very strange situation, when Donetsk, being in a state of war, was not actually subjected to shelling by artillery and air strikes (unlike Lugansk), which hints at the existence of agreements with the junta on the preservation of Donetsk away from the actual hostilities that went under the Slavic and go to the territory of the LC. Contacts, of course, are made through representatives of Akhmetov, who enter both the offices of Kiev and the offices of the top DNR.
At the same time, work on the creation of a unified military command is being sabotaged in Donetsk for three months, the fact that the authorities subordinate to Kiev is ignored, state-building is drained into the toilet, and militia units are scattered, poorly organized and not capable of solving offensive tasks - the fact that May-June groups were not organized to strike the outer ring of the Slavyansk encirclement, which best of all indicates the unwillingness of a number of individuals to wage war for real.
Looting, gangsterism, murder, business protection flourished in the city, killed Assistant Pushilin, tried to kill Gubarev, militiamen stomped under the airfield for more than a month, while no serious forces were put forward to seize the tank depot in Artyomovsk, although nothing prevented the existing Tanks and BMP from Donetsk to Artyomovsk, add to them 2-3 companies of the militia and finally take the coveted base. This moment was also sabotaged from Donetsk.
By the end of the truce in Donetsk, the situation was close to the discharge of the DPR, the city actually shied away from the war, and local politicians tried to bargain with Moscow and Kiev, where the DPR itself was essentially a bargaining chip, as did the residents of the DPR who became hostages of this bargain .
Strelkov in Slavyansk was meant to die beautifully, away from this political shit.
But in July, when it became clear that the “truce” was used to concentrate the junta’s forces in the Donbass, a defeat party began to grow in Donetsk, which, without interrupting negotiations with representatives of the Kremlin, actually began to prepare the city for surrender through the Akhmetovs. They did not need a war, and Strelkov didn’t need it any more - so while the junta was cutting down the Slavyansk supply line, until he was hanging on one Nikolayevka, no one had even thought of breaking through a steady corridor to him. The troops from the Russian Federation were not expected (and for the sake of them, in many respects, they kept Slavyansk as an important communications node), a deblocking blow was not expected either. By the evening of July 2, Strelkov realized this, although, judging by his speeches, the realization that a bull bull was being prepared for slaughter had appeared a bit earlier. Plus, information was received that treason was ripening in Donetsk.
When there was a rapid breakthrough of Strelkov to Donetsk, it caused a slight shock at first, and then panic: Strelkov gathered the garrisons of the cities left and came to Donetsk to turn it into a fortified area and lead an active defense based on Donetsk and Gorlovka. That is, he demolished all plans for the peaceful surrender of Donetsk junta. From here and the aggravated cries of Akhmetov, that "we should not bomb Donetsk," the promises of the junta "we will not bomb Donetsk," and the hysteria on the Internet: "The shooters bring war to Donetsk." Of course, he is carrying the war to Donetsk, because there was a steady desire to surrender Donetsk to the junta without a war and bury the DPR. With this fact, Strelkov confused all the cards to the defeatists, and also destroyed Surkov's combinations of negotiations with Akhmetov, in which Strelkov simply had no place. There was no place for two reasons.
1. Strelkov represents the conventional "party of war", which does not want peace with the junta and demands war to the bitter end with the raising of the victory flag over Kiev. There is simply no place for him in behind-the-scenes negotiations with the junta and Akhmetov - the battles in the Donetsk agglomeration will obviously lead not only to a prolonged confrontation, but also to numerous destructions that will affect Akhmetov’s numerous property. He obviously counted on this when he flirted with the DPR, introducing his people there.
2. The shooters, in virtue of their right-wing arch convictions, hobnob with right-wing, nationalists and even semi-fascists like Prosvirnin, accepting help from all who give it, without much intelligibility on the principle - carry everything, everything will accept. Surkov and Co. does not need a right-wing Novorossia with a nationalistic flavor, which some leaders are trying to impart to the image of Strelkov, who openly supports Putin and does not nominate himself with any projects of the state, although he has already been credited with the intention to seize Rostov and march towards Moscow, which is complete and obvious nonsense.
People like Surkov are much closer to people like Akhmetov, Medvedchuk, Tsarev, to whom local authorities will be delegated in the event of the creation of the “Donetsk Transnistria”. Leaders from people like Brain or Gubarev are unlikely to be allowed to make key decisions - such people rather frighten those people who are used to “solve” everything in a narrow circle of “their own”.
At the same time, the authorities themselves begin to intimidate with “patriotic Maidan”, which is precisely the result of Surkov’s line on creating a “new Transnistria” through negotiations with Akhmetov. The people who were yesterday in the pro-Putin consolidated majority, not understanding and not accepting the changed political line, begin to ask questions first, and then look for the guilty, and sooner or later stick in the Kremlin. That is, we must understand that it is this policy that destroys the pro-Putin majority and creates the threat of a “patriotic Maidan”, which is only a potential consequence of the “Donetsk combinations” of Surkov. And here, by the way, there is nothing new - it is worth recalling how Surkov’s similar “clever” combinations in domestic policy have already led to widespread unrest in Moscow after the 4 elections in December 2011 of the year, after which he was thrown out of the post of curator of domestic policy, after which he came Volodin with his ONF and in less than a year stopped Surkov's joint, bringing the percentage of supporters of Putin from official 36% in January 2012 to 86% in April 2014.
Now, apparently, history repeats itself - Surkov begins to flirt and substitutes not only the NPT, but Putin himself, splitting that same “post-Crimean” pro-Putin majority, throwing some patriots into opposition and constructing the paper tiger of “patriotic Maidan” from yesterday’s Putin fans, on occasion, the Americans will take advantage if they seriously take up the question of organizing a real Maidan. That is, in fact, for the cries about the “threat of patriotic Maidan”, the cheers-guards themselves prepare the ground for him, splitting the post-Crimean pro-Putin majority. This, of course, is quite obvious to some circles in Moscow, so Strelkova, of course, was warned about the situation in Donetsk. You should not represent him as such Don Quixote. Therefore, when Strelkov’s suspicions were supplemented with information about what is happening in Donetsk, a rapid breakthrough was organized in Donetsk in order to crush the party of defeatists in Donetsk fundamentally, which threatened the very existence of the DNR with subsequent discharge of the whole Donbass and, as a potential consequence, a revolution in the Russian Federation in the style of “Russian revolt lite ".
Coming out of the entourage under Slavyansk, Strelkov has already led to the fact that some of the potential defendants of the DPR discharge and negotiations with Akhmetov began to scatter: from Donetsk in an unknown direction (according to rumors, to Mariupol) left the former commander of "Vostok" Khodakovsky, who is on Akhmetov's salary (but nevertheless quietly rolling to Moscow), the Ukrainian authorities, which quietly existed in Donetsk before Strelkov’s arrival, also began a rapid drape, sweeps of still untapped units started in the city, and today mayor of Donetsk, Lukya Marchenko suddenly left the city in Kiev "for consultations". That is, Strelkov (with the probable supply of certain circles in Moscow) simply destroys the base for collusion with the junta and Akhmetov, since it will be unrealistic to surrender the city together with a bunch of militiamen fighting the junta, and Strelkov has one of the largest formations of armed men and significant authority among the residents of the DPR and the militias. This authority must be urgently destroyed, as it begins to pose a threat to the policy being pursued.
Therefore, the Strelkov-traitor propaganda campaign was launched, when various hypocrites try to throw mud at Strelkov, trying to save Surkov’s crumbling combination with Akhmetov and Co. In this regard, of course, you should not dwell on Kurginyans and Bagirov, these are just talking heads that convey to the masses a definite message related to the chagrin that Strelkov survived and does not allow for a quiet "combination" in Donetsk in the style " the forester came and broke all. "
The hysterical nature of the campaign, which began with the filing of Kurginyan (who was the skirmisher, but not the organizer) showed well that she was preparing on her knee and in a hurry, so it turned out so flimsy, and Kurginyan finally went into circulation - too primitive were the accusations the one who 3 month kept Slavyansk against superior forces and provided the necessary time to create a state that the efforts of those who now scatter from Donetsk and those who are now fidgeting in a chair in the light of the arrival of the Stre kov, it has not been created. In this regard, Kurginyan’s lies about the fact that “everything is okay in Donetsk” is also revealing, given that Donetsk was on the verge of betrayal and draining.
If Strelkov's reputation cannot be destroyed, then, of course, they will try to kill him, as they already tried to kill Bolotov and today they tried to kill Brain, who represent the "war party". These people interfere with collusion and plum, so they must be either tarnished or destroyed. In this regard, those characters who are now trying to throw mud at Strelkov, in fact, play into the hands of the junta and the party of the defeatists who are preparing to surrender Donetsk and backstage collusion with Akhmetov. The question of what is more there — material interest or ideological views — is purely rhetorical. The network fools who picked up this wave are only expendable materials of big politics, which is carried out behind the backs of those militiamen who every day heroically fight the superior forces of the junta.
Of course, you shouldn’t idealize Strelkov, a sensible statesman is unlikely to turn out of him, and his ideological views are, frankly, specific, but the fact is that with his actions under Slavyansk and the efforts of Russian propaganda he turned from an unknown reconstructor into a serious political figure behind which there are many people with weapons... They are forced to reckon with him, they are afraid of him and, of course, they are trying to destroy him - both the Ukrainian fascists and the Russian defeatists.
Here we must understand that Strelkov is one of those on whom the real, and not virtual, DNR is now based. A strike on people like Strelkov, Gubarev, or Brain is primarily a strike on a real DNR, where Akhmetov, Khodakovsky or Medvedchuk have no place. Therefore, this situation around Strelkov is very revealing in terms of identifying the hidden enemies of the real independence of the DPR. So write down the names and nicknames of these characters who, voluntarily or unknowingly, play the part of the grave-diggers of the DPR. Enemy need to know in person.
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