Marusya Nikiforova: dashing ataman of the Azov steppes
During the years of the Civil War, the territory of modern Ukraine turned into a battlefield between the most politically polar forces. Supporters of the Ukrainian national statehood from the Petliura Directorate and the Whites of the Volunteer Army A.I. Denikin, advocating the revival of the Russian state. With these forces, the Bolshevik Red Army fought. Anarchists from Nestor Makhno’s Revolutionary Insurgent Army entrenched in Gulyaypole.
Numerous bat'ki and atamans of small, medium and large formations kept apart, not submitting to anyone and entering into alliances with anyone, only to their advantage. After almost a century story repeated And yet, many rebel commanders of the Civilian cause, if not respect, then considerable interest in their personalities. At least, unlike the modern "lords of the atamans", among them were really ideological people with very interesting biographies. What is one legendary Marusya Nikiforova.
The general public, with the exception of specialists - historians and people who are closely interested in the Civil War in Ukraine, is practically unknown to the figure of “atamanshi Marusya”. She can be remembered by those who carefully watched “The Nine Lives of Nestor Makhno,” where the actress Anna Ukolova played it. Meanwhile, Maria Nikiforova, officially called “Marusya”, is a very interesting historical character. The mere fact that a woman has become the real chieftain of the Ukrainian rebel squad is rare even by the standards of the Civil War. After all, Alexandra Kollontai, and Rosa Zemlyachka, and other women participating in the revolutionary events, still did not play the role of field commanders, and even rebel detachments.
Maria Nikiforova was born in 1885 (according to other sources, in 1886 or 1887) the year. At the time of the February Revolution, she was somewhere 30-32 of the year. Despite the relatively young years, even the pre-revolutionary life of Marousi was rich in events. Born in Aleksandrovsk (now Zaporozhye), Marusia was brought up by the countrywoman to the legendary dad Makhno (true, the latter came from not from Aleksandrovsk itself, but from the village of Gulyaypole, Aleksandrovsky district). Marusya's father, an officer in the Russian army, distinguished himself in the years of the Russian-Turkish war 1877-1878.
Apparently, with courage and disposition, Marusia went to her father. At the age of sixteen, having neither a profession nor a livelihood, the officer’s daughter left the parental home. Thus began her adult life, full of dangers and wanderings. However, among historians there is also a point of view that Maria Nikiforova could not really be an officer's daughter. Her biography in her younger years seems too dark and marginal - hard physical labor, living without relatives, the complete absence of references to the family and any relationship with her.
It is difficult to say why she decided to leave the family, but the fact remains that the fate of the officer’s daughter, who would eventually find a worthy groom and build a family nest, Maria Nikiforova preferred the life of a professional revolutionary. Having settled down at a distillery as an assistant worker, Maria met peers from the anarcho-communist group.
At the beginning of the twentieth century. Anarchism was particularly prevalent in the western outskirts of the Russian Empire. Its centers became the city of Bialystok - the center of the weaving industry (now - the territory of Poland), port Odessa and industrial Ekaterinoslav (now - Dnipropetrovsk). Alexandrovsk, where Maria Nikiforova first met anarchists, was part of the "Ekaterinoslav Anarchist Zone". The key role here was played by anarcho-communists - supporters of the political views of the Russian philosopher Peter Alekseevich Kropotkin and his followers. Anarchists first appeared in Yekaterinoslav, where the propagandist Nicholas Musil, who came from Kiev (pseudonyms — Rogdaev, Uncle Vanya), managed to win over the whole organization of the Social Revolutionaries to anarchism. Already from Yekaterinoslav, the ideology of anarchism is beginning to spread throughout the surrounding settlements, including even the countryside. In particular, its anarchist federation appeared in Aleksandrovsk, as well as in other cities, uniting young workers, craftsmen and students. Organizationally and ideologically, the Alexander Anarchists were influenced by the Ekaterinoslav Federation of Communist Anarchists. Somewhere in 1905, a young worker, Maria Nikiforova, also became anarchist.
In contrast to the Bolsheviks, who preferred painstaking campaigning at industrial enterprises and factory-oriented factory workers who were mass oriented, anarchists were inclined to acts of individual terror. Since the vast majority of anarchists were very young people at that time, on average - 16-20 years, their youthful maximalism often outweighed common sense and, in practice, revolutionary ideas turned into terror against everyone and everything. Blasted shops, cafes and restaurants, first class cars - that is, places of increased concentration of "people with money."
It should be noted that not all anarchists were inclined to terror. Thus, Peter Kropotkin himself and his followers, the “bread-makers,” treated the individual acts of terror negatively, just as the Bolsheviks were guided by the mass working-class and peasant movement. But in the years of the revolution 1905-1907. Representatives of ultraradical trends in Russian anarchism — the Black-Bannermen and the Beznachaltsy — were much more noticeable than the “Bread-keepers”. The latter generally proclaimed non-motivated terror against any representatives of the bourgeoisie.
Focusing on working among the poorest peasantry, unskilled workers and porters, day laborers, unemployed and tramps, the Beznachaltsy accused the more moderate anarchists, the “bread-makers”, of fixing themselves on the industrial proletariat and “betraying” the interests of the most disadvantaged and oppressed strata of society, whereas they, rather than relatively prosperous and financially well-off specialists, need support most of all and represent the most explosive contingent that is the most malleable for revolutionary propaganda. However, the “bezczachaltsy” themselves, more often than not, were typical, radical-minded students, although frankly semi-criminal and marginal elements were found among them.
Maria Nikiforova, to all appearances, turned out to be precisely in the circle of unmotivators. Within two years of clandestine activities, she managed to throw several bombs - on a passenger train, in a cafe, in a shop. The anarchist often changed her place of residence, hiding from police surveillance. But in the end, the police managed to attack the trail of Maria Nikiforova and detain her. She was arrested, charged with four murders and several robberies (“expropriations”) and sentenced to death.
However, like Nestor Makhno, Maria Nikiforova, the death penalty was replaced by indefinite penal servitude. Most likely, the sentence was due to the fact that at the time of its adoption, Maria Nikiforova, like Makhno, did not reach the age of majority, according to the laws of the Russian Empire, which occurred at 21-year-old. From the Peter and Paul Fortress, Maria Nikiforova was transferred to Siberia - to the place of the exile of penal servitude, but she managed to escape. Japan, the United States, Spain - these are Mary's travel points before she was able to settle in France, in Paris, where she was actively involved in anarchist activities. During this period, Marusya took part in the activities of anarchist groups of Russian émigrés, but also collaborated with the local anarcho-bohemian environment.
Just at the time of the residence of Maria Nikiforova, who had already adopted the pseudonym "Maroussia" in Paris, the First World War began. Unlike most of the domestic anarchists who spoke from the standpoint of "turning the imperialist war into a class war" or generally preaching pacifism, Marusya supported Peter Kropotkin. As is known, the founding father of the anarcho-communist tradition came out from the “defensive”, as the Bolsheviks said, taking the side of the Entente and condemning the Prussian-Austrian military style.
But if Kropotkin was old and peace-loving, then Maria Nikiforova literally rushed into battle. She managed to enter the Paris Military School, which was surprising not only because of her Russian origin, but also, to an even greater degree, because of her sex. Nevertheless, a woman from Russia withstood all the entrance tests and, having successfully completed a course of military training, was enlisted in the army in the officer's rank. Marusia fought in the composition of the French troops in Macedonia, then returned to Paris. News of the February revolution in Russia forced the anarchist to hastily leave France and return to their homeland.
It should be noted that the testimony about the appearance of Marusya describes her as a masculine short-sheared woman with a face that reflected the events of stormy youth. However, in the French emigration, Maria Nikiforova found a husband. It was Witold Brzostek - a Polish anarchist, who subsequently took an active part in the anti-Bolshevik underground activities of anarchists.
Having announced herself after the February Revolution in Petrograd, Marusya plunged into the stormy revolutionary reality of the capital. Having established contacts with local anarchists, she led campaign work during naval crews, among workers. In the same summer of 1917, Marusya left for her native Alexandrovsk. By this time, the Alexander Federation of Anarchists was already operating there. With the arrival of Marusya, the Alexandrov anarchists are noticeably radicalized. First of all, the millionth expropriation from the local industrialist Badovsky is made. Then contacts are established with the anarcho-communist group of Nestor Makhno operating in the neighboring village of Gulyaypole.
At first, there were obvious discrepancies between Makhno and Nikiforova. The fact is that Makhno, being a far-sighted practitioner, allowed significant departures from the classical interpretation of the principles of anarchism. In particular, he advocated the active participation of anarchists in the activities of the Soviets and generally adhered to the tendency towards a certain organization. Later, after the end of the Civil War, in emigration, these views of Nestor Makhno were shaped by his colleague Peter Arshinov in a kind of “platformism” (named for the Organizational Platform), which is also called anarcho-Bolshevism for striving to create an anarchist party and streamline political activity anarchists.
Unlike Makhno, Marusya remained an adamant supporter of the understanding of anarchism as absolute freedom and rebellion. Even in his youth, the ideological views of Maria Nikiforova were formed under the influence of the Anachaist anarchists - the most radical wing of the anarcho-communists, who did not recognize rigid organizational forms and advocated the destruction of any members of the bourgeoisie only on the basis of their class affiliation. Consequently, in her daily activities, Marusya showed herself to be a far greater extremist than Makhno. In many ways, this explains the fact that Makhno managed to create his own army and put the whole area under control, and Maroussia never took a step further than the status of a rebel field commander.
While Makhno was strengthening his position in Gulyaypole, Marusya managed to visit Alexandrovka under arrest. It was detained by revolutionary militiamen, who found out the details of the expropriation of a million rubles from Badovsky and some other robberies committed by an anarchist. Nevertheless, Marusya did not stay in prison for long. Out of respect for her revolutionary merit and according to the demands of the “wide revolutionary public”, Marusia was released.
During the second half of 1917 - the beginning of 1918. Marusya participated in the disarmament of military and Cossack units passing through Aleksandrovsk and its environs. At the same time, during this period Nikiforova prefers not to quarrel with the Bolsheviks, who received the greatest influence in the Alexander Council, shows himself to be a supporter of the “anarcho-Bolshevik” bloc. 25-26 December 1917 Marusia, at the head of a group of Alexander anarchists, participated in helping the Bolsheviks in the seizure of power in Kharkov. During this period, communication with the Bolsheviks was carried out by Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko, who led the activities of the Bolshevik formations in Ukraine. It is Antonov-Ovseenko who appoints Marusya as the head of the formation of cavalry units in Steppe Ukraine, with the issuance of the appropriate funds.
However, Marusya decided to dispose of the money of the Bolsheviks and in their own interests, forming a Free military squad, which was actually controlled only by Marusya herself and acted on her own interests. Free fighting squad Marus was a rather remarkable connection. First, it was completely staffed by volunteers - mostly anarchists, although there were also the usual "risky guys", including the "Black Sea" - yesterday's sailors, demobilized from the Black Sea Fleet. Secondly, in spite of the “partisan” character of the formation itself, its uniform and food supply was put on a good level. The detachment was armed with an armored platform and two artillery pieces. Although funding for the squad was carried out, at first, by the Bolsheviks, the detachment acted under a black banner with the inscription "Anarchy - the mother of order!".
However, like other similar formations, Marusya’s detachment acted well when it was necessary to conduct expropriations in occupied settlements, but it turned out to be weak in the face of regular military formations. The offensive of German and Austro-Hungarian forces forced Marus to retreat to Odessa. We must pay tribute to that the squad of the “Black Guards” showed itself not worse, but in many respects better than the “Red Guards”, bravely covering the retreat.
In 1918, the end of Marusya’s collaboration with the Bolsheviks comes. The legendary female commander was unable to come to terms with the conclusion of the Brest peace, which convinced her of the betrayal of the revolution by the Bolshevik leaders. From the moment of the signing of the agreement in Brest-Litovsk, the story of the independent path of the Free combat brigade Marusya Nikiforova begins. It should be noted that it was accompanied by numerous expropriations of property from the "bourgeois", among which any wealthy citizens were recorded, and from political organizations. All governing bodies, including the Soviets, were dispersed by anarchists Nikiforova. Predatory actions repeatedly became the cause of Marusya’s conflicts with the Bolsheviks and even with that part of anarchist leaders, who continued to support the Bolsheviks, in particular with the detachment of Grigory Kotovsky.
28 January 1918, the Free combat squad entered Elisavetgrad. First of all, Marusya shot the head of the local military registration and enlistment office, besieged shops and enterprises with contributions, organized distribution of goods and products confiscated in shops to the population. However, it was not worthwhile to rejoice in the layman for this unheard-of generosity - Marusya’s fighters, as soon as the food and goods in the stores were out of stock, switched to ordinary citizens. The Revolutionary Committee of the Bolsheviks, operating in Elisavetgrad, nevertheless found the courage to intercede for the population of the city and influence Marusya, forcing her to withdraw her formations beyond the limits of the settlement.
However, a month later, the Free Battle Brigade again arrived in Elisavetgrad. At this point, the squad had at least 250 people, 2 artillery guns and 5 armored vehicles. The situation of January was repeated: the expropriation of property followed, not only among the real bourgeoisie, but also among ordinary citizens. Patience of the latter, meanwhile, ended. The point was the robbery of the cashier of the Elvorti factory, which employed five thousand people. Outraged workers revolted against the anarchist Marusian detachment and pushed him aside to the station. Marusya herself, who was originally trying to appease the workers, appearing at their meeting, was injured. Having retreated to the steppe, the detachment of Marusi began to shoot the townspeople with artillery pieces.
Under the guise of fighting Marusya and her squad, the Mensheviks were able to take political leadership in Elisavetgrad. The Bolshevik detachment of Alexander Belenkevich was driven out of the city, after which the detachments from among the mobilized citizens went in search of Marusya. An important role in the "anti-anarchist" uprising was played by former royal officers, who took over the leadership of the militia formations. In turn, the Kamensky Red Guard detachment arrived to the aid of Maruse, who also engaged in battle with the city militia. Despite the superior forces of Elisavetgrad, the outcome of the war that lasted several days between the anarchists and the Red Guards who joined them, and the front of the townspeople, was decided by an armored train "Freedom or Death", which arrived from Odessa under the command of sailor Polupanov. Elisavetgrad was again in the hands of the Bolsheviks and anarchists.
However, Marusya's detachments after a short time still left the city. The next place of activity of the Free combat brigade was the Crimea, where Marus also managed to accomplish a whole series of expropriations and come into conflict with the detachment of Bolshevik Ivan Matveyev. Then Marusya is announced in Melitopol and Aleksandrovka, arrives in Taganrog. Although the Bolsheviks entrusted Marusia with the duty of defending Germans and Austro-Hungarians from the Azov coast, the anarchist detachment retreated to Taganrog without permission. In response, the Red Guards in Taganrog managed to arrest Marus. However, this decision was met with indignation both by its warriors and by other radical left groups. First, an anarchist Garin's armored train arrived in Taganrog with a detachment of the Bryansk plant Yekaterinoslav, who supported Marusia. Secondly, Antonov-Ovseenko, who had known her long ago, spoke out in defense of Marusya. The revolutionary court Marusya acquitted and released. From Taganrog, Marusya’s detachment retreated to Rostov-on-Don and neighboring Novocherkassk, where at that time retreating Red Guard and anarchist detachments from all of Eastern Ukraine were concentrated. Naturally, in Rostov Marusia was marked by expropriations, a demonstrative burning of bank notes and bonds and other similar antics.
The further path of Marusya - Essentuki, Voronezh, Bryansk, Saratov - is also marked by endless expropriations, exponential distributions to the people of food and seized goods, the growing hostility between the Free fighting squad and the Red Guards. In January 1919, Marusya was nevertheless arrested by the Bolsheviks and transferred to Moscow in Butyrka prison. However, the revolutionary court to the legendary anarchist was extremely gracious. Marusia was given to bail a member of the CEC anarcho-communist Apollo Karelin and her longtime friend Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko. Thanks to the intervention of these prominent revolutionaries and the past merits of Marusya, the only punishment for her was the deprivation of the right to hold leading and commanding positions for six months. Although the list of acts committed by Marusius, he was dragged to an unconditional execution by the verdict of the court-martial.
In February, Nikiforova, 1919, appeared in Gulyaypole, at Makhno’s headquarters, where she joined the Makhnovist movement. Makhno, who knew Marusya’s disposition and her inclination for overly radical actions, did not allow her to be placed in command or staff posts. As a result, for two months Maruša was engaged in such purely peaceful and humane affairs, such as creating hospitals for wounded Makhnovists and sick people from among the peasant population, running three schools and social support for poor peasant families.
However, soon, after the ban on Marusya’s activities in leading structures was lifted, she began to form her own cavalry regiment. The real meaning of the activity of Marousi is different. By this time, having finally become disillusioned with the Bolshevik government, Marusia is nurturing plans to create an underground terrorist organization that would launch an anti-Bolshevik uprising throughout Russia. Her husband Witold Brzostek who arrived from Poland helps her with this. 25 September 1919, the All-Russian Central Committee of the Revolutionary Partisans, as the new structure under the leadership of Kazimir Kovalevich and Maxim Sobolev dubbed itself, blew up the Moscow Committee of the RCP (B). However, the Chekists managed to destroy the conspirators. Marusia, having served in the Crimea, in September 1919 of the year died under unclear circumstances.
There are several versions of the death of this amazing woman. V. Belash, a former associate of Makhno, argued that Marus was executed by whites in Simferopol in August-September of 1919. However, more modern sources indicate that the last days of Marousi looked like this. In July, 1919, Maroussia and her husband, Witold Bzhostek, arrived in Sevastopol, where on July 29 were identified and seized by the White Guard counterintelligence. Despite the war years, counterintelligence did not kill Marusia without a trial. The investigation lasted a whole month, revealing the degree of Maria Nikiforova’s guilt in the crimes against her. 3 September 1919, Maria G. Nikiforova and Witold Stanislav Brzostek were sentenced by the military court to the death penalty and executed.
So the legendary ataman of the Ukrainian steppes finished her life. What is difficult to deny Marus Nikiforova - so it is in personal courage, conviction in the correctness of their actions and the known "frostbitteness". For the rest, Marusya, like many other field commanders of the Civic, was more likely to suffer to ordinary people. Despite the fact that she presented herself as a protector and advocate of ordinary people, in reality, anarchism in the understanding of Nikiforova was reduced to permissiveness. Maroussia retained the youthful, infantile perception of anarchy as a kingdom of unlimited freedom, which was inherent in her during the years of participation in the circles of “beznachaltsev”.
The desire to fight the bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, state institutions resulted in unjustified cruelty, robbery of civilians, actually turned the anarchist detachment of Marousi into a semi-gang gang. Unlike Makhno, Maroussia could not only lead the social and economic life of a district or settlement, but also create a more or less numerous army, develop its own program and even win the sympathy of the population. If Makhno personified rather the constructive potential of ideas about the stateless way of social organization, Marusia was the embodiment of the destructive, destructive component of anarchist ideology.
People like Marusya Nikiforova easily find themselves in the fire of battles, on revolutionary barricades and in the pogroms of captured cities, but they turn out to be completely unsuitable for a peaceful and constructive life. Naturally, there is no place for them even among revolutionaries, as soon as the latter turn to questions of social development. What happened to Marusya — in the end, with a certain amount of respect, no Bolsheviks, nor even her like-minded Nestor Makhno, prudently alienating Marusia from participating in the activities of his headquarters, were willing to have serious cases.
Numerous bat'ki and atamans of small, medium and large formations kept apart, not submitting to anyone and entering into alliances with anyone, only to their advantage. After almost a century story repeated And yet, many rebel commanders of the Civilian cause, if not respect, then considerable interest in their personalities. At least, unlike the modern "lords of the atamans", among them were really ideological people with very interesting biographies. What is one legendary Marusya Nikiforova.
The general public, with the exception of specialists - historians and people who are closely interested in the Civil War in Ukraine, is practically unknown to the figure of “atamanshi Marusya”. She can be remembered by those who carefully watched “The Nine Lives of Nestor Makhno,” where the actress Anna Ukolova played it. Meanwhile, Maria Nikiforova, officially called “Marusya”, is a very interesting historical character. The mere fact that a woman has become the real chieftain of the Ukrainian rebel squad is rare even by the standards of the Civil War. After all, Alexandra Kollontai, and Rosa Zemlyachka, and other women participating in the revolutionary events, still did not play the role of field commanders, and even rebel detachments.
Maria Nikiforova was born in 1885 (according to other sources, in 1886 or 1887) the year. At the time of the February Revolution, she was somewhere 30-32 of the year. Despite the relatively young years, even the pre-revolutionary life of Marousi was rich in events. Born in Aleksandrovsk (now Zaporozhye), Marusia was brought up by the countrywoman to the legendary dad Makhno (true, the latter came from not from Aleksandrovsk itself, but from the village of Gulyaypole, Aleksandrovsky district). Marusya's father, an officer in the Russian army, distinguished himself in the years of the Russian-Turkish war 1877-1878.
Apparently, with courage and disposition, Marusia went to her father. At the age of sixteen, having neither a profession nor a livelihood, the officer’s daughter left the parental home. Thus began her adult life, full of dangers and wanderings. However, among historians there is also a point of view that Maria Nikiforova could not really be an officer's daughter. Her biography in her younger years seems too dark and marginal - hard physical labor, living without relatives, the complete absence of references to the family and any relationship with her.
It is difficult to say why she decided to leave the family, but the fact remains that the fate of the officer’s daughter, who would eventually find a worthy groom and build a family nest, Maria Nikiforova preferred the life of a professional revolutionary. Having settled down at a distillery as an assistant worker, Maria met peers from the anarcho-communist group.
At the beginning of the twentieth century. Anarchism was particularly prevalent in the western outskirts of the Russian Empire. Its centers became the city of Bialystok - the center of the weaving industry (now - the territory of Poland), port Odessa and industrial Ekaterinoslav (now - Dnipropetrovsk). Alexandrovsk, where Maria Nikiforova first met anarchists, was part of the "Ekaterinoslav Anarchist Zone". The key role here was played by anarcho-communists - supporters of the political views of the Russian philosopher Peter Alekseevich Kropotkin and his followers. Anarchists first appeared in Yekaterinoslav, where the propagandist Nicholas Musil, who came from Kiev (pseudonyms — Rogdaev, Uncle Vanya), managed to win over the whole organization of the Social Revolutionaries to anarchism. Already from Yekaterinoslav, the ideology of anarchism is beginning to spread throughout the surrounding settlements, including even the countryside. In particular, its anarchist federation appeared in Aleksandrovsk, as well as in other cities, uniting young workers, craftsmen and students. Organizationally and ideologically, the Alexander Anarchists were influenced by the Ekaterinoslav Federation of Communist Anarchists. Somewhere in 1905, a young worker, Maria Nikiforova, also became anarchist.
In contrast to the Bolsheviks, who preferred painstaking campaigning at industrial enterprises and factory-oriented factory workers who were mass oriented, anarchists were inclined to acts of individual terror. Since the vast majority of anarchists were very young people at that time, on average - 16-20 years, their youthful maximalism often outweighed common sense and, in practice, revolutionary ideas turned into terror against everyone and everything. Blasted shops, cafes and restaurants, first class cars - that is, places of increased concentration of "people with money."
It should be noted that not all anarchists were inclined to terror. Thus, Peter Kropotkin himself and his followers, the “bread-makers,” treated the individual acts of terror negatively, just as the Bolsheviks were guided by the mass working-class and peasant movement. But in the years of the revolution 1905-1907. Representatives of ultraradical trends in Russian anarchism — the Black-Bannermen and the Beznachaltsy — were much more noticeable than the “Bread-keepers”. The latter generally proclaimed non-motivated terror against any representatives of the bourgeoisie.
Focusing on working among the poorest peasantry, unskilled workers and porters, day laborers, unemployed and tramps, the Beznachaltsy accused the more moderate anarchists, the “bread-makers”, of fixing themselves on the industrial proletariat and “betraying” the interests of the most disadvantaged and oppressed strata of society, whereas they, rather than relatively prosperous and financially well-off specialists, need support most of all and represent the most explosive contingent that is the most malleable for revolutionary propaganda. However, the “bezczachaltsy” themselves, more often than not, were typical, radical-minded students, although frankly semi-criminal and marginal elements were found among them.
Maria Nikiforova, to all appearances, turned out to be precisely in the circle of unmotivators. Within two years of clandestine activities, she managed to throw several bombs - on a passenger train, in a cafe, in a shop. The anarchist often changed her place of residence, hiding from police surveillance. But in the end, the police managed to attack the trail of Maria Nikiforova and detain her. She was arrested, charged with four murders and several robberies (“expropriations”) and sentenced to death.
However, like Nestor Makhno, Maria Nikiforova, the death penalty was replaced by indefinite penal servitude. Most likely, the sentence was due to the fact that at the time of its adoption, Maria Nikiforova, like Makhno, did not reach the age of majority, according to the laws of the Russian Empire, which occurred at 21-year-old. From the Peter and Paul Fortress, Maria Nikiforova was transferred to Siberia - to the place of the exile of penal servitude, but she managed to escape. Japan, the United States, Spain - these are Mary's travel points before she was able to settle in France, in Paris, where she was actively involved in anarchist activities. During this period, Marusya took part in the activities of anarchist groups of Russian émigrés, but also collaborated with the local anarcho-bohemian environment.
Just at the time of the residence of Maria Nikiforova, who had already adopted the pseudonym "Maroussia" in Paris, the First World War began. Unlike most of the domestic anarchists who spoke from the standpoint of "turning the imperialist war into a class war" or generally preaching pacifism, Marusya supported Peter Kropotkin. As is known, the founding father of the anarcho-communist tradition came out from the “defensive”, as the Bolsheviks said, taking the side of the Entente and condemning the Prussian-Austrian military style.
But if Kropotkin was old and peace-loving, then Maria Nikiforova literally rushed into battle. She managed to enter the Paris Military School, which was surprising not only because of her Russian origin, but also, to an even greater degree, because of her sex. Nevertheless, a woman from Russia withstood all the entrance tests and, having successfully completed a course of military training, was enlisted in the army in the officer's rank. Marusia fought in the composition of the French troops in Macedonia, then returned to Paris. News of the February revolution in Russia forced the anarchist to hastily leave France and return to their homeland.
It should be noted that the testimony about the appearance of Marusya describes her as a masculine short-sheared woman with a face that reflected the events of stormy youth. However, in the French emigration, Maria Nikiforova found a husband. It was Witold Brzostek - a Polish anarchist, who subsequently took an active part in the anti-Bolshevik underground activities of anarchists.
Having announced herself after the February Revolution in Petrograd, Marusya plunged into the stormy revolutionary reality of the capital. Having established contacts with local anarchists, she led campaign work during naval crews, among workers. In the same summer of 1917, Marusya left for her native Alexandrovsk. By this time, the Alexander Federation of Anarchists was already operating there. With the arrival of Marusya, the Alexandrov anarchists are noticeably radicalized. First of all, the millionth expropriation from the local industrialist Badovsky is made. Then contacts are established with the anarcho-communist group of Nestor Makhno operating in the neighboring village of Gulyaypole.
At first, there were obvious discrepancies between Makhno and Nikiforova. The fact is that Makhno, being a far-sighted practitioner, allowed significant departures from the classical interpretation of the principles of anarchism. In particular, he advocated the active participation of anarchists in the activities of the Soviets and generally adhered to the tendency towards a certain organization. Later, after the end of the Civil War, in emigration, these views of Nestor Makhno were shaped by his colleague Peter Arshinov in a kind of “platformism” (named for the Organizational Platform), which is also called anarcho-Bolshevism for striving to create an anarchist party and streamline political activity anarchists.
Unlike Makhno, Marusya remained an adamant supporter of the understanding of anarchism as absolute freedom and rebellion. Even in his youth, the ideological views of Maria Nikiforova were formed under the influence of the Anachaist anarchists - the most radical wing of the anarcho-communists, who did not recognize rigid organizational forms and advocated the destruction of any members of the bourgeoisie only on the basis of their class affiliation. Consequently, in her daily activities, Marusya showed herself to be a far greater extremist than Makhno. In many ways, this explains the fact that Makhno managed to create his own army and put the whole area under control, and Maroussia never took a step further than the status of a rebel field commander.
While Makhno was strengthening his position in Gulyaypole, Marusya managed to visit Alexandrovka under arrest. It was detained by revolutionary militiamen, who found out the details of the expropriation of a million rubles from Badovsky and some other robberies committed by an anarchist. Nevertheless, Marusya did not stay in prison for long. Out of respect for her revolutionary merit and according to the demands of the “wide revolutionary public”, Marusia was released.
During the second half of 1917 - the beginning of 1918. Marusya participated in the disarmament of military and Cossack units passing through Aleksandrovsk and its environs. At the same time, during this period Nikiforova prefers not to quarrel with the Bolsheviks, who received the greatest influence in the Alexander Council, shows himself to be a supporter of the “anarcho-Bolshevik” bloc. 25-26 December 1917 Marusia, at the head of a group of Alexander anarchists, participated in helping the Bolsheviks in the seizure of power in Kharkov. During this period, communication with the Bolsheviks was carried out by Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko, who led the activities of the Bolshevik formations in Ukraine. It is Antonov-Ovseenko who appoints Marusya as the head of the formation of cavalry units in Steppe Ukraine, with the issuance of the appropriate funds.
However, Marusya decided to dispose of the money of the Bolsheviks and in their own interests, forming a Free military squad, which was actually controlled only by Marusya herself and acted on her own interests. Free fighting squad Marus was a rather remarkable connection. First, it was completely staffed by volunteers - mostly anarchists, although there were also the usual "risky guys", including the "Black Sea" - yesterday's sailors, demobilized from the Black Sea Fleet. Secondly, in spite of the “partisan” character of the formation itself, its uniform and food supply was put on a good level. The detachment was armed with an armored platform and two artillery pieces. Although funding for the squad was carried out, at first, by the Bolsheviks, the detachment acted under a black banner with the inscription "Anarchy - the mother of order!".
However, like other similar formations, Marusya’s detachment acted well when it was necessary to conduct expropriations in occupied settlements, but it turned out to be weak in the face of regular military formations. The offensive of German and Austro-Hungarian forces forced Marus to retreat to Odessa. We must pay tribute to that the squad of the “Black Guards” showed itself not worse, but in many respects better than the “Red Guards”, bravely covering the retreat.
In 1918, the end of Marusya’s collaboration with the Bolsheviks comes. The legendary female commander was unable to come to terms with the conclusion of the Brest peace, which convinced her of the betrayal of the revolution by the Bolshevik leaders. From the moment of the signing of the agreement in Brest-Litovsk, the story of the independent path of the Free combat brigade Marusya Nikiforova begins. It should be noted that it was accompanied by numerous expropriations of property from the "bourgeois", among which any wealthy citizens were recorded, and from political organizations. All governing bodies, including the Soviets, were dispersed by anarchists Nikiforova. Predatory actions repeatedly became the cause of Marusya’s conflicts with the Bolsheviks and even with that part of anarchist leaders, who continued to support the Bolsheviks, in particular with the detachment of Grigory Kotovsky.
28 January 1918, the Free combat squad entered Elisavetgrad. First of all, Marusya shot the head of the local military registration and enlistment office, besieged shops and enterprises with contributions, organized distribution of goods and products confiscated in shops to the population. However, it was not worthwhile to rejoice in the layman for this unheard-of generosity - Marusya’s fighters, as soon as the food and goods in the stores were out of stock, switched to ordinary citizens. The Revolutionary Committee of the Bolsheviks, operating in Elisavetgrad, nevertheless found the courage to intercede for the population of the city and influence Marusya, forcing her to withdraw her formations beyond the limits of the settlement.
However, a month later, the Free Battle Brigade again arrived in Elisavetgrad. At this point, the squad had at least 250 people, 2 artillery guns and 5 armored vehicles. The situation of January was repeated: the expropriation of property followed, not only among the real bourgeoisie, but also among ordinary citizens. Patience of the latter, meanwhile, ended. The point was the robbery of the cashier of the Elvorti factory, which employed five thousand people. Outraged workers revolted against the anarchist Marusian detachment and pushed him aside to the station. Marusya herself, who was originally trying to appease the workers, appearing at their meeting, was injured. Having retreated to the steppe, the detachment of Marusi began to shoot the townspeople with artillery pieces.
Under the guise of fighting Marusya and her squad, the Mensheviks were able to take political leadership in Elisavetgrad. The Bolshevik detachment of Alexander Belenkevich was driven out of the city, after which the detachments from among the mobilized citizens went in search of Marusya. An important role in the "anti-anarchist" uprising was played by former royal officers, who took over the leadership of the militia formations. In turn, the Kamensky Red Guard detachment arrived to the aid of Maruse, who also engaged in battle with the city militia. Despite the superior forces of Elisavetgrad, the outcome of the war that lasted several days between the anarchists and the Red Guards who joined them, and the front of the townspeople, was decided by an armored train "Freedom or Death", which arrived from Odessa under the command of sailor Polupanov. Elisavetgrad was again in the hands of the Bolsheviks and anarchists.
However, Marusya's detachments after a short time still left the city. The next place of activity of the Free combat brigade was the Crimea, where Marus also managed to accomplish a whole series of expropriations and come into conflict with the detachment of Bolshevik Ivan Matveyev. Then Marusya is announced in Melitopol and Aleksandrovka, arrives in Taganrog. Although the Bolsheviks entrusted Marusia with the duty of defending Germans and Austro-Hungarians from the Azov coast, the anarchist detachment retreated to Taganrog without permission. In response, the Red Guards in Taganrog managed to arrest Marus. However, this decision was met with indignation both by its warriors and by other radical left groups. First, an anarchist Garin's armored train arrived in Taganrog with a detachment of the Bryansk plant Yekaterinoslav, who supported Marusia. Secondly, Antonov-Ovseenko, who had known her long ago, spoke out in defense of Marusya. The revolutionary court Marusya acquitted and released. From Taganrog, Marusya’s detachment retreated to Rostov-on-Don and neighboring Novocherkassk, where at that time retreating Red Guard and anarchist detachments from all of Eastern Ukraine were concentrated. Naturally, in Rostov Marusia was marked by expropriations, a demonstrative burning of bank notes and bonds and other similar antics.
The further path of Marusya - Essentuki, Voronezh, Bryansk, Saratov - is also marked by endless expropriations, exponential distributions to the people of food and seized goods, the growing hostility between the Free fighting squad and the Red Guards. In January 1919, Marusya was nevertheless arrested by the Bolsheviks and transferred to Moscow in Butyrka prison. However, the revolutionary court to the legendary anarchist was extremely gracious. Marusia was given to bail a member of the CEC anarcho-communist Apollo Karelin and her longtime friend Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko. Thanks to the intervention of these prominent revolutionaries and the past merits of Marusya, the only punishment for her was the deprivation of the right to hold leading and commanding positions for six months. Although the list of acts committed by Marusius, he was dragged to an unconditional execution by the verdict of the court-martial.
In February, Nikiforova, 1919, appeared in Gulyaypole, at Makhno’s headquarters, where she joined the Makhnovist movement. Makhno, who knew Marusya’s disposition and her inclination for overly radical actions, did not allow her to be placed in command or staff posts. As a result, for two months Maruša was engaged in such purely peaceful and humane affairs, such as creating hospitals for wounded Makhnovists and sick people from among the peasant population, running three schools and social support for poor peasant families.
However, soon, after the ban on Marusya’s activities in leading structures was lifted, she began to form her own cavalry regiment. The real meaning of the activity of Marousi is different. By this time, having finally become disillusioned with the Bolshevik government, Marusia is nurturing plans to create an underground terrorist organization that would launch an anti-Bolshevik uprising throughout Russia. Her husband Witold Brzostek who arrived from Poland helps her with this. 25 September 1919, the All-Russian Central Committee of the Revolutionary Partisans, as the new structure under the leadership of Kazimir Kovalevich and Maxim Sobolev dubbed itself, blew up the Moscow Committee of the RCP (B). However, the Chekists managed to destroy the conspirators. Marusia, having served in the Crimea, in September 1919 of the year died under unclear circumstances.
There are several versions of the death of this amazing woman. V. Belash, a former associate of Makhno, argued that Marus was executed by whites in Simferopol in August-September of 1919. However, more modern sources indicate that the last days of Marousi looked like this. In July, 1919, Maroussia and her husband, Witold Bzhostek, arrived in Sevastopol, where on July 29 were identified and seized by the White Guard counterintelligence. Despite the war years, counterintelligence did not kill Marusia without a trial. The investigation lasted a whole month, revealing the degree of Maria Nikiforova’s guilt in the crimes against her. 3 September 1919, Maria G. Nikiforova and Witold Stanislav Brzostek were sentenced by the military court to the death penalty and executed.
So the legendary ataman of the Ukrainian steppes finished her life. What is difficult to deny Marus Nikiforova - so it is in personal courage, conviction in the correctness of their actions and the known "frostbitteness". For the rest, Marusya, like many other field commanders of the Civic, was more likely to suffer to ordinary people. Despite the fact that she presented herself as a protector and advocate of ordinary people, in reality, anarchism in the understanding of Nikiforova was reduced to permissiveness. Maroussia retained the youthful, infantile perception of anarchy as a kingdom of unlimited freedom, which was inherent in her during the years of participation in the circles of “beznachaltsev”.
The desire to fight the bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, state institutions resulted in unjustified cruelty, robbery of civilians, actually turned the anarchist detachment of Marousi into a semi-gang gang. Unlike Makhno, Maroussia could not only lead the social and economic life of a district or settlement, but also create a more or less numerous army, develop its own program and even win the sympathy of the population. If Makhno personified rather the constructive potential of ideas about the stateless way of social organization, Marusia was the embodiment of the destructive, destructive component of anarchist ideology.
People like Marusya Nikiforova easily find themselves in the fire of battles, on revolutionary barricades and in the pogroms of captured cities, but they turn out to be completely unsuitable for a peaceful and constructive life. Naturally, there is no place for them even among revolutionaries, as soon as the latter turn to questions of social development. What happened to Marusya — in the end, with a certain amount of respect, no Bolsheviks, nor even her like-minded Nestor Makhno, prudently alienating Marusia from participating in the activities of his headquarters, were willing to have serious cases.
Information