Whatever the outcome of the Crimean referendum, one of the main questions that he poses will be the question of the future of Ukraine. Why does her unity require so many sacrifices? And why, how much to pay for it, everything is small?
Well, finally, Maidan appeared in my small homeland! It became like in people: in front of the regional administration building in Uzhgorod there is a barricade, next is a police outfit. It’s just strange: neither raging crowds, nor fire, not even soot in the snow ... Maybe it was the firemen in Transcarpathia who were forbidden to play with fire? Or are revolutionaries so meek in my fatherland?
After listening to this Moscow set of questions, my elder brother dotted the "i": "Oh, let them all go to ...!" - and along with a grimace on Skype, he sent me a seditious thought that the barricade could be a sign of conformism: "But I don’t care, I’ll tell them in the eyes! My revolution is on the sofa, in front of the TV, it’s still not for anyone."
Perhaps it risks becoming the main intrigue of the Ukrainian political play: there are no figures able to rally the voters of all Ukraine. This is also the result of a split of the country, which has long been masked. And they continue to mask: even when a split acquires the contours of a catastrophe, one state structure is cultivated — a single, indivisible, unitary country, Ukraine Cathedral. Confirmed by two Constitutions over the past quarter century, this formula has been elevated to such a degree of priesthood that a politician who would risk questioning her will step into oblivion right from the scene. That's just what kind of indivisibility is it? Let the highest degree of confrontation is now in the Crimea and Donbas, but other mines are ticking: “The Right Sector” has already reminded of “the Ukrainian lands in Poland”.
Mentally putting myself in my brother's place: and for whom should he vote in May? If for stability, then it would be necessary, perhaps, for a lady with a scythe: until one Tymoshenko proclaimed the right to be the best way to overcome cultural and civilizational faults. Just how to vote when it is not being promoted? Is it because, by the way, that feels: the unifying fuse has dried up? No meaningful unification formula. But the fault formulas are complete: both the West and the East are competing to mobilize the masses in their support in the squares. What is new in all this is radicalism, which is a reminder of the depth: the rift should not be measured in years - a century. And the very bottom of the fault Zaporozhye political scientist Mikhail Bakalinsky designated as a confrontation of "self-independence" and "Little Russia".
Command of the 4 of the Ukrainian Front, 1945. The organizer and inspirer of the Communist Party of Transcarpathian Ukraine Leonid Brezhnev is already a general
How we were freed
They say that in Soviet times, when it was supposed to indicate nationality in civilian passports, the “dear Leonid Ilyich” was completely confused. He is a Ukrainian (Brezhnev, as you know, from Dneprodzerzhinsk), then a Russian, and then he waved his hand: yes, whatever you want, write, does it matter? Such confusion was considered a good form in the party, even promoted career growth. And this, if you will, was one of the dashes of the very Little Russia, to whom self-styling in our day was imposed by a decisive battle. The goal is clear: knock out the "Little Russian" foundation from under the Cathedral of Ukraine and bring a new, "independent" one.
Oh, sorry, for 20 years of independence, Ukraine did not have a politician who would decide to supplement sobornost, for example, with the idea of dual citizenship for Ukrainians in Russia and for Russians in Ukraine! Can you imagine how many applicants could be on him from both sides? Judging by the results of the census of the population of the Russian Federation in 2010, 1 927 988 applications could also come from Ukrainians in Russia, plus 225, which should be mentioned separately. But Ukraine’s share would be quadrupled: in 2001, when the last census of its population was conducted, 8 334 100 people called themselves Russians - 17,3 percent. These figures are probably outdated, but they have hardly decreased significantly.
Now about those 225. The members of this tiny group called themselves not Ukrainians, but Rusyns, which was reflected in the Russian statistics. Many leaders can be thankful for this, but first of all, of course, Leonid Ilyich: this история Little known, but typical - it is about how Soviet leaders cared for Ukraine.
So, in order. In October, the 1944-th Soviet army, having passed through the Carpathians, liberated an unknown "Russian land" - this is how, with two "s", emphasizing its historical connection with the Russian people, they still write its name, stubborn Rusyns, my countrymen. There are many Rusinovs, a century and a half ago, and the Galicians still considered themselves Rusyns, and they also called their land "Russian land." The difference was that the Galician Ruthenians had to live for a long time "under the Poles", and this was a very difficult life, while the Carpathian Ruthenians were "under the Hungarians", which was also not easy, but it never reached the blood. And between the First and Second World Wars it was possible to live "with the Czechs" - for the first time the region received autonomy and a proper name - Subcarpathian Rus as part of the Czechoslovak Federation. And so it happened that my elder brother was born in Czechoslovakia, and I, although our house had not moved anywhere, was already in Hungary. Our people, liberated and grateful to the Russian soldiers, were very surprised that the Political Administration of the 4 of the Ukrainian Front prefers to call it "residents of the Transcarpathian Ukraine". What is Ukraine? What are Ukrainians? Just during the war years, the Hungarian administration conducted a census of the local population: 506 thousands of Rusyns and only 200 Ukrainians, every single emigrant from Galicia.
Nevertheless, the head of the Political Department of the 18 Army, Colonel Brezhnev, under the supervision of a member of the military council of 4 Ukrainian Lev Mehlis, just a month after the liberation, managed to get the Communist Party of Transcarpathian Ukraine on its feet. In the course of this campaign, Brezhnev received a general, and five days after his birth, the KPZU gathered some delegates and sent a manifesto to Moscow with a request to join the Soviet Ukraine. The stunned Orthodox people immediately sent priests to Moscow, instructing them to deliver a letter to Stalin with the same request: to take Sub-Carpathian Russia under the arm of Moscow. But with two significant differences: they asked to preserve the status of an autonomous republic and accept them into the RSFSR, not the Ukrainian SSR.
The delegation reached the patriarch, he handed the letter to Stalin. It remains only to identify the stages: in June 1945, the "reunification" of Subcarpathian Russia with Soviet Ukraine took place, and after the decision of the Verkhovna Rada of the USSR, it lost both its old name and centuries-old nationality. All of a sudden, the Rusins "beyond the Carpathians" became Ukrainians and residents of the Transcarpathian region of the Ukrainian SSR. Attempts to correct this historical blunders of success in the Soviet times did not have, but then the Ruthenians were not at all “stigmatized” by the separatists and were not dragged along the courts.
... and could calculate its length if necessary in Uzhgorod State University, where MSU carefully sent instruments and equipment (photo Ogonyok, 1954 year)
... After talking with my brother, I began to follow the course of the "Transcarpathian revolution": you never know, a symbolic barricade can flare up. Now look how clever it was intended to strike a match.
Ukrainian TV channel "24" suddenly announced that the central government (then Yanukovych) sent buses with security officials to Uzhgorod to suppress the local revolution, and the "not indifferent Galicians" should help the brothers on the other side of the Carpathians. The first part of the message was a linden tree and was needed in order to implement the second. Having guessed the idea (according to the same scenario, with the participation of the same channel, administrative buildings in Zaporozhye were captured), the Ruthenian organizations decided to block the Galician automaidans in the mountains. On January 25, groups of a total of 300 people landed on the snowy Carpathian passes. Well, imagine, say, the Veretsky Pass: there is a sign in honor of the 1000 anniversary of the crossing of the Hungarians through the Carpathian Mountains, the "Druzhba" oil pipeline, which warms half of Europe, passes nearby. And if there is a match to strike an accusatory finger on such "irresponsible Ukrainians" as these stubborn Rusyns? Do you understand now the motivation of Transcarpathian "Spartans" who defended their Thermopylae in January? But there are a lot of roads, and the revolution is a moving affair - automaidans broke through. In Vinogradov, a city with a population mostly Hungarian - here in the district newspaper "Prapor communism" I once began my journalistic life, - Lviv auto ryadan showered with eggs. This is a significant event: further, beyond the Tisu River, there is no progress of the Ukrainian revolution. But she intends to get to Tisza. And if so, then an ultimatum appears on the website of the Transcarpathian patriotic organization "Karpatoros". We read:
"The police and the SBU are not able to restore order in the region, where the" real masters "became the bandits under the guise of the" Right Sector "and other organizations of unknown origin ... All politicians ... must remember: the power in Transcarpathia belongs to Transcarpathian, and if necessary "We will prove it by force. Remember: we know where you live, what cars you drive, what baths you bathe. We also know how to fight."
So far, there seems to be more words, but already in the form of ultimatums, besides with ideology, the Ruthenian revolution in defense of its ethnos against the export of the neo-Bandera revolution with its mono-ethnic project from Galicia. And here’s another touch: if the bearers of the last idea are people in masks ("organizations of unknown origin"), then those who defend another, immediately raise the visor. No anonymity: we, such and such, I am such and such. The author of the "ultimatum" also called himself: Joseph Fedeles.
When did a black cat run along the Carpathian ridge? After all, for centuries on both sides of the Carpathian passes there lived one people, although it was divided into different ethnic groups - Boyky, Lemkies, Hutsuls, but he felt himself as one and the self-name was common: the Ruthenians. And even if now Galicians prefer not to remember their roots, then without them Ruthenian scattering around the world, given the huge fraternities in the US and Canada, leaves this people the right to be called the fourth most significant branch of the East Slavic world.
... at the same time, it was just as impossible to turn off from him as from the collective-farm road (photo Ogonyok, 1959 year) ...
From Ukrainization to Ukraine
Ukraine today is a heavy truck made of 27 cars, a good half of which are attached to donor-tractors, like the Galician regions to the Donbass. Roles do not change during the entire period of independence, disproportions only grow. That is why, although conciliarity for Ukraine is almost the Bible, at critical moments (in 2004 and 2014), there is a debate about how to rebuild the country. The hypothetical "federal train" of Ukraine - as it is most often found in projects and discussions in Ukrainian audiences - is selected according to the principle of "historical lands" and, if you go from west to east, looks like this: Transcarpathia, Bukovina, Galicia , Volyn, Podolia, New Russia, Polesye, Little Russia, Dnieper, Sloboda, Donbass, Crimea.
The question of why history has shaped it that way is too far away: if Kievan Rus broke up into strong principalities for 15, then after two centuries of squabbling, they fell apart into 250 destinies. Therefore, it turned out that “under the Poles”, “under the Hungarians”, “under the Austrians” almost half of the Ukrainian lands. Therefore, this half had nothing to do with the Chigirin Republic of Bohdan Khmelnytsky, who, asking for the arm of the Orthodox monarch, gathered future Ukrainians in Little Russia, then turned into the Ukrainian SSR.
Today, the question does not even occur to us, but what was the name of Western Ukraine, when there was still no Ukrainian state itself, and did the “Ukrainians settling Russia” identify themselves as “Little Russians”? So, it was called Carpathian Rus or, in the western version, Ruthenia. It was these concepts that figured - for the last time! - in the acts of the Versailles Treaty of 1919, which ended the First World War. It was only after the formation of Soviet Ukraine that new concepts were put into effect - Western Ukraine and Western Ukrainians, in which, as you might guess, the future "reunion" of the whole "Soviet Ukraine" was already coded. In fact, this name 70 years was synonymous with the Cathedral of Ukraine.
The path to the bright future of the western regions of Soviet Ukraine was joyful, like lunch in the family of the collective farmer Petrostegun from the kolkhoz im. Kirov (photo Light, 1954 year) ...
But the actual Carpathian strife began after the Polish-Austrian linguists got down to business. In 1859, the governor of Galicia (as part of the Austrian empire), the Polish earl Goluchowski managed to convince the Viennese court to introduce an “abecadlo” - in Polish, an alphabet - in Russian schools. The alphabet war broke out: Latin against Cyrillic. The protest took a peaceful form - a mass hobby for Russian culture and language. Then the movement grew into a political one: in the Sejm and the Reichsrat, "unifiers" appeared - supporters of the unification of Galician Russia with Russia.
It was then that the imperial court in Vienna came to the conclusion that it is better to oppose the Russian language not to Polish, but to Ukrainian, even if it is only an adverb. The Polish-Ukrainian party quickly formed, which immediately composed a hymn: "We are with Poles, Poles are with us! And in the dust of the enemy is power! And it was from long-awaited, Zasiye Rus preslavna Rusinov affairs ..."
This new "Russia" "shone" in 1890-m: Lviv regional Diet announced that the "Galician-Russian people" (in the original documents that way) considers itself isolated from the Russian sovereign people. True, the Seym did not call this "isolated people" Ukrainian, from which it can be assumed that it was not yet born (what kind of people were "isolated" then?) Nevertheless, the Ministry of Education of Austria-Hungary immediately proceeded to phonetic reform of the Carpathian dialects, laying the rules of the new "Russian" (with one "c") language, in the future Ukrainian. Galician historian Ilya Terekh (“Ukrainization of Galicia”, 1945 year) testified at what this resulted in: “As if by magic, it is introduced in schools, courts and in all departments a new spelling. Old“ Russian ”textbooks are removed ... Galicia is spreading literature on the oppression of Ukrainians by Muscovites. Mikhail Hrushevsky is invited from Kiev. For him, a department of "Ukrainian history" is established at the University of Lviv and charged with compiling the history of "Ukraine" and the "Ukrainian people" that has never existed. The agrarianship for this Cain case Hrushevsky receives a villa from the people and is called the “batkom” and “hetman.” But the planting of Ukrainians in villages is tight. The people keep firmly their thousand-year name. Only teachers of Ukrainophiles are sent to Russian villages, and teachers with Russians beliefs are left without seats ... "
Up to the First World War, the Russian party in Galicia won all language battles - from school to court. However, it was an internal affair of the Austro-Hungarian Empire: the world did not yet know what dismantling between its peoples was fraught with. But in 1879, Berlin and Vienna made an alliance, and in 1888, the German philosopher Hartmann proposed a geopolitical project that interested the German General Staff greatly. To undermine Russia, it is necessary to take away Lithuania, Livonia and Kurland from her, and on the Dnieper to form a separate Kiev kingdom. There was even an idea to give Galicia "his king", and a name was invented to him - Vasil Vyshivany. But the Habsburg offspring selected for this role could not wash off some kind of litigation in Paris and the project was stuck.
And in August 1914-th Russian army entered Galicia. We met her with tears of happiness. When she approached the Carpathians, the Austrian command gave the order to shoot the "traitors" without trial. Priest Iosif Yavorsky testified: "The army received instructions and maps with villages underlined in red pencil, which cast their votes to the Russian candidates for the Austrian parliament. And the red dash on the map left bloody victims in these villages." Tens of thousands were driven to the concentration camps of Gnav, Gmund, Terezin, Talerhof. In the latter, there was not even a barrack, but he was all izykan pillars for "anbinden" - from all the tortures, the Austrians preferred hanging by one leg.
After the Russian army retreated from the Carpathians, the massacres resumed. The whole layer of the "old Russian" intelligentsia was knocked out: the very "Russians" - with two "s". The Austro-Hungarian army destroyed 60 thousands of Galicians, another 80 thousands of rot in concentration camps. More than 100 thousands fled to Russia: it is possible that among the 225 Rusyns identified by the census of the population of the Russian Federation in 2010, there are also descendants of those Galicians.
The Russian army is advancing in the Carpathians in 1914. The retreating Austrians destroyed the pro-Russian intelligentsia
The most beloved of the Soviet republics
“You need to read Ukrainian history with bromine,” said Vladimir Vinnichenko, a Ukrainian historian and political figure. His trilogy "Revival of the Nation" is about the events that he did with his own hands: in the summer of 1917, as chairman of the General Secretariat of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR), in 1918-1919, as chairman of the Directorate of the UNR, chased Hetman Skoropadsky. Vinnichenko himself also did not last long - Petliura appeared with his gangs and whips. Oh, how often in those years the Maidans of Kiev were boiling up, and how often more terrible silence descended on the city when all living things hid and were afraid to even breathe! For two years, Kiev 14 once passed from hand to hand: Germans, Poles, white, red - it seemed there would be no end.
And in Eastern Galicia, then still Polish, an uprising broke out, the West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR) was born. Europe has already been shaken by the right of nations to self-determination proclaimed among President Wilson’s 14 points, and ZUNR is beating its head in the hope of recognizing the young Ukrainian state. But the Entente did not make her eyebrows: the Polish map was more important. Poland was offered an 25-year-old mandate for the management of Eastern Galicia, but Warsaw rejected: not enough, just take forever! It would have happened forever if it were not for the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which the Western Ukraine received in 1939 of the USSR. And immediately passed it to the Ukrainian SSR.
A few more details, without which it is impossible to understand why, where there is a joint, a new rift is possible there. Galicians of that time, already captured by the idea of Ukrainian sobornost — for the good ten years before Bandera and Shukhevych appeared on the scene, who would give an explosive independence to the separatist — socialist ideas also fervently confessed. The government of ZUNR by law liquidated landowners' latifundia and distributed land to those who cultivate it. It was then that the peasant soul adopted the Ukrainian idea.
Yes, and in Kiev, enough intelligent heads. When Denikin took the city under the flag of "united and indivisible Russia", the chairman of the Central Council of the UNR, Mikhail Hrushevsky, bombarded Lenin with projects of the federal restructuring of a collapsing empire, including Little Russia. But everything was pouring in, already did not take bromine. The government of the UPR, expelled from Kiev, together with the 10-thousandth army of the chief commander Petliura, rashrist, with a hanging mustache and whips, was reunited in Western Ukraine with a runaway government of ZUNR and its 40-thousandth army, which, however, maintained morale. For a couple of months, both governments squabbled, giving birth to the project of the Great Cathedral of Ukraine - instead of "united and indivisible Russia", which was torn apart by the Civil War. In the end, Petlyura and his warriors went to serve Pan Pilsudski, leaving Poland and Romania to divide and plunder Western Ukraine. And Galicians - to Denikin, while his units did not run to the Crimea, to Wrangel. Further known.
And so began the great Ukrainian construction. 1918 year: Donbass, Kharkov, Dnepropetrovsk announce the creation of the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Soviet Republic and ask for the RSFSR. Lenin against: without Donbass Ukraine will remain an agrarian state. March 1919-st: Soviet Ukraine was born into the world, as a gift - Donbass, Novorossia. And the whole of Ruthenia is still ahead, but in parts - Western Ukraine, Northern Bukovina, Subcarpathian Rus.
And immediately on all the territories remote from the Kremlin, a campaign began on the so-called indigenization, which will last for 10 years. In Ukraine, of course, it turned into “Ukrainization”, in Belarus - into “Belarusization”. Complete prohibition of the Russian word! Only Mova - dear, local! They began with party members, officials, intellectuals, then they took up the proletariat. Gorky could still raise his eyebrows, why translate the novel “Mother” into Ukrainian, but then Gorky, the petrel of the revolution. Even Kaganovich, who led the next Ukrainian revolution and himself, as an insight to the party apparatus, learned a new language, such a replica would hardly have descended. Only it turned out to be exorbitantly difficult to exterminate Russian in the former Little Russia, and the decision was ripe: to call "advanced Ukrainians" - Galicians, especially since there are no revolutionaries, also socialists. And she moved to Ukraine a new Galician army, now to teach the people how to speak. In one of the letters, Grushevsky even outlined its number - more than 50 thousands. He himself also hurried to Moscow, where he got the place of an academician. Vinnichenko returned and sat behind the books.
Little Russia itself was doomed as a historical concept, and at the same time the concepts of “Little Russia, Little Russia”, which lasted from Pereyaslavl radius to the Ukrainian SSR. In 1926, the Bolsheviks ordered the census takers of the Ukrainian population not to write anyone to the Little Russians — only Ukrainians or Russians! This ethnonym was taken out of circulation.
Why did the Bolsheviks do this than the Little Russia did not please them? The fact is that the Bolshevik ideology replaced the concept of the all-Russian people with the concept of fraternal - but separate - East Slavic peoples. And at the same time she recognized that Little Russia was a colony as part of tsarist Russia. Now Ukrainian historical science will not allow this thesis to be bitten out of itself. Yes, she also extended it to the entire Soviet period of Ukrainian history! This, instead of thanking Vladimir Ilyich, for the territory, to Joseph Vissarionovich for Ukrainization, to Nikita Sergeevich and separately to Boris Nikolaevich for the Crimea. Let me explain: even a year after Belovezhskaya Pushcha, it was not yet clear who would take the Crimea. It was then that Leonid Makarovich and said: Boris Nikolayevich, well, not to the Crimea to me, take him to Russia! To which Boris Nikolaevich cut off - and he does not care for the Crimea, let it all remain as it is! This story was told to me by Leonid Grach - at the time of our interview the chairman of the AKP Supreme Council. It is to him that Crimea owes its autonomous status and its first constitution, according to which it lived until yesterday.
Essentially, the Bolsheviks built from Ukraine and Belarus - two separate fraternal peoples - the “exhibition pavilions” of the Soviet national policy, thinking in this way to extend influence to the Eastern Slavic population of Poland (Galicia was still “under Lyakhom”). But when they saw that it was impossible, they extended a hand to their former enemies and began to build "exhibition halls" together. So two methods of Ukrainization were combined, and the Little Russia was archived.
We see the results today: Ukraine faces another rift. After all, Little Russia did not die, it rose in Eastern and Southern Ukraine and is trying to defend its right to self-identification in a fight with assertive Ukrainians, whose stronghold was Galicia. Now there is no choice: from these bricks you will have to rebuild the Ukrainian house. It is unlikely to be recreated in a monolith, collected by federal patterns more realistically, and how it is up to the Ukrainians themselves to decide. It is only clear that without a federation of two types of Ukrainian self-identity — Little Russian and independent — you cannot do.
At the same time, I would not forget the brick of Carpathorus, about which I can finish saying: the barricade in Uzhgorod, fortunately, did not catch fire, my economic countrymen quietly pulled it home for firewood. The governor seized the moment, went out to the people on the local Maidan, and so kindly spoke that for some time he did not demand his resignation. In principle, conflicts have always been resolved this way on this piece of the Carpathian land, which in the last century has been part of half a dozen countries and regimes, hence the favorite saying of the Rusyns about the fact that they are freeing us all the time. Only this time, ostentatious tolerance did not save the old administration. Anyway, a new governor was sent from Kiev - to free Transcarpathia one more time.
Mazepa never dreamed ...
Regardless of the outcome of the Crimean referendum, Ukraine will remain the largest country on the map of Europe - after the Russian Federation
Many Ukrainian historians do not like to admit this, but their state owes its size to the Bolsheviks. Before them, the Moskali looked at the geopolitics of Eastern Europe in a more restrained manner. And before the start of the First World War, in February 1914, the ex-Minister of the Interior P. Durnovo warned Nicholas II in a note about Galicia that "it is obviously unprofitable for us, in the name of the idea of national sentimentalism, to attach to our homeland an area that has lost any live communication. " The document contained prophetic words: “The so-called Ukrainian or Mazepa movement is not scary now, but we should not let it grow, because there is an undoubted germ of extremely dangerous Little Russian separatism that can reach completely unexpected sizes under favorable conditions.” But the story, as you know, went differently: thanks to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Western Ukraine became part of the Ukrainian SSR.
At the official level, there are no projects for the federalization of Ukrainian lands today, but this is a topic of heated discussions in society. Before you is one of the options for the rallying of the historical Ukrainian lands (see map). Add to it another touch: conventionally in the composition of modern Ukraine, two main historical parts can be distinguished. Central and Western Ukraine ("Old Ukraine") consists of the lands of the north, the west and the center of the country, since ancient times settled by the Slavs, here the core of the Old Russian state arose. The land of the steppe zone of the south and east of the country, which was developed from the 16th to the 19th century, includes South-Eastern Ukraine (“New Ukraine”): this is Slobozhanshchina, Donbass, Zaporozhye (in Tsarist times - Novorossiya, now - Dnieper region), Priazovye, Black Sea . There, at the suggestion of Khrushchev, the Crimea also entered 1954.