In my previous articles, I, it seems to me, clearly showed that the current government, no matter how it is treated, stands very reliably on Russian soil and is not going to leave it at all. Nor does she intend to change anything in the socio-economic policy, at least for the better, that is, the government does not intend to depart from the constructed model of sovereign oligarchic capitalism as an alternative to the international network structures of TNCs.
But at the same time, we must also understand that the policy of the authorities is leading Russia to defeat. It is difficult to play "on the field of the enemy." But it is also completely hopeless to play by his rules. And after all, the Russian oligarchs put themselves and us in such a situation. They build capitalism by playing in a foreign field. But the West (or rather, its locomotive - the Anglo-Saxons) never led fair competition in the framework of the capitalist model of the economy. Being in this area "trendsetters", the Anglo-Saxons set their own rules of competition. Just look at the Cyprus expropriation, which trampled the fundamental foundations of the capitalist system (ownership, bank secrecy).
The once powerful France and Germany have already challenged Anglo-Saxon power. But they lost in the capitalist race. Twice just over the past century, Russia was defeated. Moreover, both defeats took place at the moments when Russia started “playing on the enemy field”. At the end of the nineteenth century, the Russian empire firmly embarked on capitalist rails and successfully declined in the beginning of the twentieth century and the disaster of 1917. The collapse of the USSR super empire was also preceded by a rather inept attempt to introduce elements of the free market into the socialist economic system. Whereas the socialist project of Lenin-Stalin proved to be salutary for Russia. Can we expect that the current government will succeed in something that nobody has previously managed?
The government also cannot fail to see the danger that threatens it if the internal unrest caused by the rampant oligarchy and the corrupt bureaucracy will be imposed on the encroachments of the external enemy dreaming of revenge for the defeat in Operation Heir. In this case, a resonance may occur, and the situation will get out of control. Or, at least, external and internal influence will seriously weaken the positions of pro-government oligarchic structures and force an agreement, sacrificing a substantial part of their wealth and prospects. This fact tells us at least the fact that the government, basically copying the Western model, still leaves such important themes for the West, but unacceptable for the Russian people, as juvenile justice or tolerance for LGBT people. Those. the state is rocking the boat with impunity of officials, price increases, the commercialization of education and health care. But at the same time, it is tough to ensure that the “red lines” in the public consciousness do not cross, which will cause an explosion of popular indignation and make the “boat” overkill. Very significant in this case is a kind of probing, which was conducted by the authorities in respect of juvenile justice. After all, I hope no one will believe that such a high-ranking official, like V. Matvienko, will, on his own initiative, lobby the interests of juveniles. And not without the participation of the government and the oligarchic lobby, juvenile laws were introduced into parliament. It is absolutely clear that by their forces these laws were buried. But the society reacted very keenly to this sounding. And then the authorities channeled this protest, putting at the head of his pocket "patriotic opposition", such as "The Essence of Time". In the same vein, one can also consider the “tink of the ears” of Astahac - the ombudsman suddenly changed his views from the prevalence of children's rights to the need to protect the family. And the apotheosis was the personal advent of VVP. to the congress of the "parental assembly of Russia", where he officially put an end to the juvenile inclinations of the "liberals." Nevertheless, capitalism is the “red line” for which the modern oligarchic power will never retreat, no matter what they threaten. By hook or by crook, by force and by cunning, she will keep her feeder.
I would also like to note that a layer of economically and politically active population is no small, the so-called “Pepsi generation”, which feels quite normal within the framework of the capitalist economy, because it simply did not know the positive aspects of life under socialism, while its ears hurt its negative traits "Good liberals" 90-x. Therefore, they, regardless of their attitude to power, will not be in awe of the attempt to restore socialism in Russia. In such a situation, to dream of returning Russia to socialism is the same as building castles in the air. We must understand this well, as well as the fact that an attempt to demolish power will only be in the hands of external enemies and can help them solve the Russian question once and for all.
It turns out a vicious circle, which seems to make the defeat and death of Russia inevitable, because it does not allow to apply the only tried antidote to salvation. Nevertheless, unlike other countries that previously challenged Anglo-Saxon power, Russia has several features. One of which allows us to call our country "Tolerant Empire." I understand that the word "tolerant" was heavily stained with world neoliberalism. However, tolerance is tolerance. And it is precisely the tolerance of its suburbs, which sometimes reaches the level of humiliation before them, which distinguishes the Russian empire. This property allowed people to coexist in the Empire with completely different religions, mentalities and levels of socio-economic development. In Russia, the primitive Chukchi, quite civilized Russian people, Finns confined to their nationality, wild Ossetians or Chechens, and European Balts and Poles could coexist quite comfortably. Naturally, at different times, it could not have done without excesses, but Russia was never seen in a genocide like the one that the Europeans organized in their colonies. We didn’t have that intolerance that distinguished Asians towards the subjugated peoples, who were trying to reformat the surrounding nationalities for themselves, as, for example, happened to the Ainu after the capture of their islands by the Japanese.
It is the tolerance of Russian civilization, it seems to me, that can help us get out of the vicious circle. I propose to establish on the territory of Russia a mode of coexistence not only of various ethnocultural systems, but also of various economic structures. This will allow the authorities to make a compromise between the wishes of the oligarchs and the demands of the prevailing foreign and domestic political situation. Considering that the Russian Federation is officially a federal state, Moscow should give the regions the opportunity to change the economic structure. For example, the little-developed and endangered FEFD can be raised with the help of a socialist planned economy. This will make it possible to solve the demographic problem of the region by attracting those who wish to live under socialism to the Far East. It is also possible to increase the pace of development of the region, while saving money that is currently being spent extremely inefficiently.
Let's look at what the basic principles of a socialist economy that we need to implement in our separate region, and how to combine them with the central capitalist legislation.
1. The fundamental difference between a capitalist economy and a socialist economy is the existence of a private property right under capitalism, which is not under socialism. Naturally, we cannot get away from private property enshrined in the Constitution, which is perhaps the only holy article for the elite. But should we bother with this? If we believe that the socialist economy is superior to the capitalist economy and we are trying to prove it, then for the greatest purity of the experiment it is worth preserving the existing owners, as well as future socialist entrepreneurs, the possibility of developing their business. But at the same time, a moratorium on any transfer of state ownership into private hands must be introduced by law in socialist territory. Private property is less interfering with the fact that for a balanced socialist economy, the presence of the private sector is a necessary condition.
2. At the same time, the fundamental principle of a socialist economy is its planned nature. Therefore, at the regional level, it is necessary to create the State Planning Committee. The functions of which will include economic regulation in the territory and interaction with private business and economic state structures of the federal level.
3. Taking into account the location of large and small private enterprises, state-owned companies at the federal level on the socialist territory, as well as the need to settle income distribution issues with the federal center, it is necessary to equip the socialist system with the fiscal service. Which would centrally organize the fees and their administration, and centrally pay off with the federal center in the proportion that remains for him. At the same time, for small and medium businesses it is necessary to make a simplified reform. In which a single tax would include in its composition all taxes of tax, pension, excise and social nature. In order to get rid of a huge class of accountants in enterprises and to maximally concentrate financial flows in the hands of Gosplan. Alternatively, excise taxes can be replaced by enterprises and entrepreneurs purchasing patents for the use of mineral resources, land, the right to sell alcohol, etc. At the same time, state-owned enterprises of the regional level will not have a tax relationship, since they will be financed by the budget. Whereas state-owned enterprises of the federal level, as well as divisions of federal private companies, will make to the territory budget those payments that they must pay to local budgets and funds.
4. Guaranteed employment and guaranteed income can be provided both by creating jobs in the public sector, and by paying extra workers to private enterprises up to the middle level while working with enterprises and entrepreneurs who set unjustifiably low wages.
5. For a centralized pension provision, a non-state pension fund can be created, which receives funds from the regional budget in accordance with established federal standards. Naturally, it is desirable for him to delegate the functions of the FIU to work with federal enterprises and those enterprises and entrepreneurs that operate under standard tax regimes.
6. Tight price controls can be provided by setting a corridor in which prices will fluctuate. At first, the option of reducing prices can be implemented for the manufacturer by granting tax preferences and / or subsidies, and for dealers with tight pricing controls. Later on, due to the development of substitute production and budget retailers.
7. When planning, Gosplan implements the issues of interaction with large private companies and federal state-owned enterprises in a mode that corresponds to working with importers, on the basis of long-term contracts on the volume of supplies and the provision of services.
8. The issues of regulating the work of the private sector according to the tasks of the Gosplan can be handled by self-regulating organizations that unite entrepreneurs and small enterprises by industry and location. Through them, loans can be distributed for the expansion or organization of business, if such is provided for by the plans. They are also given planned targets.
Thus, as we see, there are mechanisms that can allow organizing a socialism reserve on the territory of Russia, which will reserve Russia the opportunity to respond to the challenges of the times. And at the same time to solve some pressing issues of domestic policy. Nor will it hurt the rights and interests of the oligarchs, who are so zealously guarded by the Russian authorities.
The specific stages of building a regional socialist economy, as well as the ways of applying these mechanisms, will be discussed in my next article.