It is not surprising that, after coming to power, the putschists, who could not resist, began to rehabilitate their friends who had suffered under the former regime. And since the fact of the coup was not recognized openly, then in order to do this, we had to think a lot, including post-war repression, which actually was not. Who does not believe, can go to the website of Oleg Mozokhin and see the statistics of the NKVD – MGB there. All the so-called "repression" - this is the strength of a couple dozen high-profile cases.
The loudest, hysterical, and widespread of all post-war was the "Leningrad affair." But this is strange: all attempts to find out what exactly the secretary of the Central Committee, Kuznetsov and his accomplices, were accused of in particular, are in vain. None of the historians for all the years could not break through to the materials of the case itself, but even to see the indictment or read the sentence. There is a document that is issued as a sentence - however, in the Criminal Code of that time, as well as another, there is no article for “separation of the party organization from the Central Committee” and other party sins. Apparently, under the guise of a sentence, they are trying to substitute some kind of party decree, or even just a piece of paper, somehow.
The fruitless efforts of scientists show that nine out of ten “Leningrad affairs” simply do not exist. At the time of Khrushchev, archival documents were destroyed by wagons, so nothing surprising. Except for one thing: why was it done so thoroughly? In the end, any indictment can be declared falsified, testimony - stamped. And then the documents were cleaned completely, moreover, shortly after the coup, Minister of State Security Abakumov and all of the then leadership of the investigative department for particularly important cases were convicted and shot in 1949 year — that is, live witnesses who could tell something .
The conclusion suggests itself: in these accusations was not just a betrayal of the Motherland, not just espionage, but something that, even after receiving power, Khrushchev and company were mortally afraid.
What exactly could they be afraid of — such that even it was impossible to disprove, but it was simply necessary to make it unbecoming? Is it possible that no information has been preserved, even crumbs, by grasping which, can you “swing on indirect”?
RCP, killed in the womb
Kroshechki yet found. 7 May 1954, at a meeting with the Leningrad party activist, Khrushchev said: “You remember how the matter was fabricated. It was claimed that in Leningrad there was a conspiratorial organization that wanted to stand out from the Soviet Union, take the leadership of the country in their hands ... It was claimed that they wanted to create a center in Leningrad, to oppose it to the Central Committee of the party. ”
Here are the remaining and drawn out at the end of 80-x (up to 1991 year - this is important!) Party documents. 21 February 1949 at the plenum of the Leningrad party organization said a lot about the formation of a special “Leningrad” clan inside the CPSU, a closed group tied to the secretary of the Central Committee and the head of the personnel department of the Central Committee of Kuznetsov in Moscow. Nobody denied these accusations at the plenum. And here is what the former first secretary of the regional committee Popkov said now:
“I have repeatedly said ... about the RCP. Discussing this question, I said such a thing: “As soon as the PSC is created, it will be easier for the Central Committee of the CPSU (B.): The Central Committee of the CPSU (B.) Will govern not every regional committee, but through the Central Committee of the RCP.” I, on the other hand, said that when the Central Committee of the RCP is created, then the Russian people will have party defenders. ”
It turns out that Kuznetsov and his comrades in the 40s were planning to do what was realized forty years later and led to the collapse of the country - to create a Russian Communist Party. There were also plans to make Leningrad the capital of the RSFSR. Whom did Kuznetsov see at the head of the Russian Communist Party? Who, if not yourself, beloved? It is clear and why. The comrade rushed to the state power, but had no chance to circumvent the successors of Stalin, Malenkov and Beria, and the leader was unequivocally removed the leader from the government. And with the Communist Party of Russia in hand, numerically quite comparable with the CPSU (b), it was possible to fight for power with Moscow.
Having become the head of the Central Committee personnel department in 1947, Kuznetsov began to act: to place members of his Leningrad team in high party posts - and managed to do so. 22 December 1948, the same Popkov, at a conference of the regional committee, proudly stated that in two years the Leningrad party organization had nominated thousands of people for 12 leadership, of which 800 were outside the region.
Naturally, talk about the creation of the Communist Party of Russia was not a long secret to Stalin. However, formally nothing could be done with this initiative. How to prevent people from wanting to create a “missing” Communist Party in the USSR? Moreover, the idea would find support among the people, as it found forty years later. However, there was an obstacle for the conspirators. To hold a constituent congress, it was necessary to collect a large number of high party ranks at one point in space - and how to do it? Previously, they naturally talked at the plenary meetings of the Central Committee - but since March 1947, almost from the time Kuznetsov was appointed (coincidence?), The Central Committee plenums have not been held.
And here, as ordered, at the beginning of 1949, the All-Russian, and in fact, All-Union Wholesale Fair takes place in Leningrad. Passes with the permission of only one chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Rodionov, without the approval of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, which was a grave violation of state discipline. And the idea itself turned out to be ridiculous and ruinous - one loss for four billion rubles. But the high party officials were able to talk enough ...
Whether this fair was a constituent congress of the Communist Party of Russia or just a meeting of Kuznetsov’s supporters is unknown. However, after it, events begin to unfold very quickly. In punishment for the arbitrariness of Kuznetsov, Rodionov and the chairman of the Leningrad Regional Committee Popkov removed from work. Having fidgeted with a shallow fly at the reporting and re-election meeting, the rest of the Leningrad leadership is being removed. Soon, another “Leningrad citizen” was shot for abuses in planning, although he had been sitting in Moscow for a long time, the chairman of Gosplan Voznesensky. Six months later, they were all arrested and shot a year later.
By the way, it seems that the death penalty, abolished in 1947, was returned to the Criminal Code for the sake of “Leningraders”. On January 8, the Minister of State Security Abakumov presented Stalin with a list of the defendants in the “Leningrad case” and his views on the process, and on January 12, by decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council, the death penalty was reintroduced for three categories of defendants: traitors, spies, and bombers. The latter hardly referred to Leningrad, but it is known that among the accusations at the trial was espionage, treason and participation in the anti-Soviet organization, and also, as Khrushchev let out at a meeting with the Leningrad activist party, they were also accused of “wanting to stand out” from the Soviet Union, to take over the leadership of the country. "
So stand out or take over the leadership of the country? After all, perhaps either one or the other ...
Let's think: how exactly did the future First Secretary of the Communist Party of the RSFSR intend to exercise his powers? If he agrees in everything with the policy of Moscow, then in the usual way. But if he agrees in everything with the policy of Moscow, then why start a party of his own and his own capital?
At the first disagreement with the central government, he will certainly want to take advantage of the numerical advantage of his organization, which forms the basis of the CPSU (b). Perhaps the Kremlin will have to give Smolny. To give in once, to give in two, and then the other republics will have a completely legitimate bewilderment: who actually controls the state? General Secretary or Kuznetsov? Why do we have to obey Kuznetsov? Did we choose him? The first person in Russia? And we have our first faces, and Kuznetsov and I are not on the road.
If the Kremlin does not want to give Smolny (and he certainly does not want), then the Communist Party of the RSFSR has the full right, in accordance with the Constitution, to raise the issue of secession of the republic from the USSR. But this is separatism, a terrible thing for the Soviet Union and punished mercilessly.
As we see, the emergence of a separate Russian leadership inevitably led to the collapse of the USSR. It was saved only by the fact that the constitutional right to secession of the republic from the Union is extremely difficult in practice. Almost impossible. Especially in the Stalinist USSR, where the friendship of nations was a sacred concept. But you can do otherwise!
In 1922, the USSR was created by the decision of four republics: the Russian Federation, Ukraine, Belarus and the Transcaucasian Federation. The last in 1936 was disbanded without a successor, and by the end of the 40-s of the four republics that signed the treaty of alliance, three remained. It was here that the Achilles' heel of the Soviet Union was located: it, which includes fifteen republics, could be disbanded by the decision of only three of them. To do this, it was enough to agree with three leaders: the RSFSR, Ukrainian SSR and the BSSR. However, in the Soviet state system, where all decisions taken were sanctioned by party organs, the leadership of the RSFSR, which did not have the Communist Party, was deprived of the opportunity to do so.
I am setting out a well-known scenario, is not it?
Could this combination be played out in 40's? And why, actually, no? It’s not such a complex idea that the party bosses that fought Stalin for power could not come up with it. And if we find in the leadership of these three republics people who are connected to each other by participation in a conspiracy, then we can with a high degree of probability speak of an unfulfilled "belovezhie".
So, in Russia, according to the proposed scenario, Kuznetsov was supposed to sit down. In Ukraine, Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, the unforgettable our fighter with Stalinism, the leader of the conspirators seized power in June 1953, has been sitting for thirteen years. Was he associated with Kuznetsov? Judging by the fact that, barely entrenched in power, he immediately hurried to rehabilitate the “Leningraders” and then desperately promoted the “Leningrad affair” as the most outrageous of the “Stalinist crimes” - there was a connection, and quite close. What else could they have in common? They belonged to different generations, in the service they practically did not overlap, and they didn’t seem to lead cordial friendships.
What is even more interesting is the Belarusian leadership. The first secretary there was no Gusarov who showed himself. But the second ... Oh, this is an interesting person! Semen Denisovich Ignatiev, the former minister of state security, the creator of the “doctors' case”, who practiced the order of the times of Yezhov in the MGB - torture and falsification of cases, including those of his predecessor Abakumov. Moreover, there is evidence that on the fateful day of 26 June Beria was going to demand that the Presidium of the Central Committee sanction the arrest of Ignatiev. Judging by the fact that this character got up and how the party leadership headed by Khrushchev defended him, this is an undoubted participant in the Khrushchev conspiracy. Or Kuznetsovskiy?
As we see, there is a connection between the leadership of the three republics, quite definite and unequivocal. So, the Bialowieza scenario in the year in 1950 could well have taken place, it fits perfectly into the big picture.
This version explains a lot, including the total sweep of the “Leningrad affair”. Perhaps, by the way, this did not happen in the Khrushchev times, when too many still kept in mind all that had happened and there was no point in secreting everything, but much later. For example, when the RCP was created and unwound, all kinds of analogies there were completely useless. Or when, after 1991, the publicity broke out of control, out of place were based on the similarity of scenarios, reflections on the connection of Secretary General Khrushchev with those forces that enthralled his successors, who endowed us with “perestroika” ...