In the "new" Semirechensky Cossacks in Almaty stanitsa
Official история Russian-Kazakh relations begin on October 10 on 1731, when in the Manitiuba tract (near Aktobe) Khan Abdulhair and a group of Kazakh foremen were signed with Empress Anna Ioannovna the Act on the entry of the Younger Zhuz into citizenship to the Russian Empire.
The massive social territorial mobility of Russians to the territory of Kazakhstan began approximately from the middle of the 18th century. One should not, in principle, forget about such non-Slavic approximately 15% of the resident population of Russian-speaking ethnic groups living in Kazakhstan, such as Germans, Koreans, Greeks, Roma, etc.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, 6 million Russians in Kazakhstan became the second largest (after the largest in Ukraine - about 11 million), the Russian diaspora in the near abroad. According to the 1989 census, they were here the second largest ethnic group after the Kazakhs (37% of the population). In the northern regions bordering the Russian Federation, their share reached 66% .
The law on languages 1989 g. Politically proved to be one of the most liberal for all similar laws adopted in the republics of the former Soviet Union. Kazakh was declared in it the state language (Art. 1), which remains undeniable to this day. Russian received the status of "language of international communication" and could be used along with the official language (Art. 2) . Meanwhile, it is not just a constitutional formality. For a poster, ad or poster, made only in one (Russian or Kazakh) not in two languages, can attract the host or artist to a fine. However, for the 90-s. About 2 million Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, as well as 0,8 million Germans left the country. The population of Kazakhstan decreased from 16,9 million in 1991 to 14,9 million in 1999. The reasons for leaving 90's were caused by the ambiguity of the socio-political situation, the emergence of new states, the inability to have two (in RK) citizenship, fear of being divorced from historical homeland (Russia), fear of the possibility of interethnic conflicts, the emergence of its domestic currency (tenge), the liquidation of the former passport system, the rupture of family ties and many other reasons.
According to the Statistics Agency of Kazakhstan, on 1 January 2006 of 15 219 thousand inhabitants of Kazakhstan 130 nationalities 8913 thousand were Kazakhs (or 58,6% of the total population of the republic), 3979 thousand - Russians (26,1%), 449 thousand - Ukrainians (2,95%), 429 thousand - Uzbeks (2,8%), 230 thousand - Uighurs (1,5%), 230 thousand - Tatars (1,5%), 223 thousand - Germans (1,5%), 102 thousand - Koreans (0,7%) .
Moreover, it is possible to talk about the increasing identification of Russians in Kazakhstan as an independent subethnos from Russians in Russia.
It is necessary to consider the stereotypical perception of a Russian who has moved there from Kazakhstan as a “Kazakh” or “other” Russian that has taken shape today in almost all regions of Russia. Although external anthropological signs remained on the face: Slavic features, blue-gray eyes, blond hair, excellent knowledge of the Russian language, customs, traditions, Orthodox religion, etc. What are the socio-economic, political, cultural, spiritual, ethno-psychological mechanisms of formation of this phenomenon - The subject of a separate study. Meanwhile, Kazakhs and Russians in Kazakhstan have been living without serious conflict situations for almost one and a half hundred years. The phenomenon of this phenomenon, in our opinion, is not yet described enough.
Turkic-Slavic factors of vital activity are identified by us as a whole as fundamentally opposite, even contradictory in relation to Western similar concepts of social relations. So, in many respects, the core foundations of the social activity of an individual of our superethnos were and still remain not individual-personal, as is vividly manifested in Western European (American) manners, but collectively-related, community-based  styles of socialization of behavior and thinking. As the history of our peoples shows, for example, neither the ancestors of the Türks of the Kazakhs), nor the Slavs in sociogenesis, had neither classical, according to Marx, stable slavery, nor strict consistent feudal relations.
Even after the reforms of Peter I, who laid the foundations of capitalist relations in Asian than Western-style feudal Russia, vigorously introducing Western European principles of life, the peasant community, the lifestyle of citizens remained under the serious traditional influence of neighboring, kinship, family relations. Almost two thousand years of collective-clan coexistence declared itself to everyone not only within such a relatively closed cell of society as a family, but also in such larger social formations as the rural community, gender, zhuz, region, state education in general, etc. .
Particularly unique manifestations of commonality between the “lower” strata, groups, classes, detachments and “top” of the management of the social structure in Eastern Europe and in the Turkic superethnos were essentially the kinship relations with the supreme rulers of the principality, khanate or kingdom or other forms of state . The highest rank politico-administrative rulers were perceived by the ordinary population not as completely alienated from society, it is their individual rulers (as it was in the traditions of the rule of Western European slave-owning and feudal empires and kingdoms), but as real relatives (“Father Tsar”, “Agay ", etc.). These factors for centuries were fixed in all spheres of the way of life of social groups and groups of the population of Russia (Russia), as well as the nomads of the “Field” (Turkic ethnic formations: Sakas, Massagets, Kipchaks, Khazars, Polovtsy, Pechenegs, etc.). And the problems of solving conflict situations often, as history shows, were solved not one-on-one, but “wall to wall”.
Curious is the fact that the Bolshevik model of social relations, permeated by a communist orientation, in many ways actually coincided with the already established social and group guidelines of behavioral stereotypes and mentality, traditions of some peoples of Czarist Russia. The universal socialization of the main means of production, the creation of collectivist forms of farming in the countryside (where the main percent of the empire's population  prevailed, the formation of mass political organizations in almost all age groups, as well as at other organizational levels (such as October, pioneers, Komsomol members, communists, members of the trade union, village council, councils of people's deputies, councils of the public and others), in fact left the basic structural and functional elements of life activity and in the former conservative communal frameworks. The total monopoly role of the communist party in all matters of the country's functioning and livelihood actually compensated for the replacement of the communal system by another authoritarian governance structure. Probably, this can partly explain the relatively quick victory of Soviet power in Russia, Ukraine, in Belarus - in regions where collectivist principles of joint interaction were traditionally decisive. A new power was quickly established in Kazakhstan and other republics of Central Asia. At the same time, such former administrative-territorial divisions of the former state as Poland and Finland, the “Germanized” Baltic countries, hurried to separate from the nascent socialist (read, collectivist) relations, since historically they traditionally oriented themselves towards the West European individualized business system and lifestyle.
Russian diasporization, the study of it as an independent phenomenon is a new phenomenon. In Soviet times, the first and second wave of Russian emigres living in Europe, America, Australia, as it were, were not noticed for understandable ideological reasons. Today, millions of Russians who have remained in the near abroad, who have moved to the distant, cannot be ignored. It may be worth thinking about their “huanxiaozation” - designation with a specific term that would be succinctly formulated by foreign Russians, as their Chinese would designate.
The most remarkable thing at the moment is that Russians are in the first place, relative to the size of the main population, today are in the first place in a country that is not even in the CIS, but in the European Union. This, of course, is about the Baltic Latvia, where Russians have long been at least 30% of the population. But once their share in that country was equal to 25%, while in our country it was about 50%. As you can see, the situation has changed radically.
In the Central Asian region, the Russians were faced with a choice of one of the strategies: to preserve the citizenship of the independent state of Kazakhstan; obtain Russian citizenship and go there for permanent residence; get Russian citizenship and stay to live in the current country of residence?
We turn to the factors that in the ordinary, psychological plan now contribute to the fact that the Russians did not move to Russia, other countries, as it was 10 years ago.
Russian as well as other peoples of Kazakhstan, the Kazakhs themselves today are worried about the low standard of living, unemployment, low competitiveness, insufficient opportunity for social and career advancement, since the existing clan system, to which Russians, as a rule, do not have The quality of health care, the future of their children, the decline in the cultural level of the population, the prospects and quality of education, the criminalization of society, the ecology of the region, the increased seismic activity zone (the southern regions of the republic, including Almaty), peace or the threat of war (for example, invasion by China) and other
The significance of the historical memory of the territory of the current residence (Kazakhstan) to the USSR is still implicitly preserved. Today's Russian at the thought of moving have something to think about. They have housing, the prospects of his finding children, grandchildren; a lifestyle that has developed over several generations; relatively lower compared to Russian prices for basic foodstuffs and utilities, wages, favorable climatic conditions, low possibility of interethnic conflicts, etc. These and other generally positive conditions of present residence in the Republic of Kazakhstan are further aggravated by a conservative factor striving for global changes that impede the decision to leave. This is especially true for the older generation.
So the waves of mass return in search of a better life in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, as it was at the end of 80-s and in the beginning-middle of 90-s, are not expected. Over 1989-1995 Kazakhstan left up to 10% of Russians who lived in the republic before independence. The peak of emigration came in the 1994 year, when almost 235 thousands of Russians left the country. Almost every fifth of them had a higher education, 36% - specialized secondary education, and 5% - incomplete higher education. Then the share of Russians in general in Kazakhstan decreased from 37,0% to 25,6%, Ukrainians from 5,2% to 2,8%, Germans from 4,7% to 1,4%, Belarusians from 1,1% to 0,6%. Russian emigration from the republic has depleted entire industries, primarily industrial enterprises and grain farms .
The statistics of the survey of post-Soviet states on the percentage potential of a possible outcome from their own country is interesting. The situation is as follows. 34% are ready to leave Moldova, 28% from Azerbaijan, 26% from Georgia, 25% from Ukraine, 23% from Armenia, 22% from Lithuania, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus and Estonia according to 20%, from Latvia - 19%, from Russia - 17%, from Kazakhstan - 13%, from Tajikistan - 12%. Please note, potential Russian emigrants from Kazakhstan in this list are in second place from the end of this list! Traditionally it is believed that young people who are interested in improving their standard of living most often travel abroad. The Gallup poll confirmed the accuracy of this observation, but added that the possibility of emigration is more often discussed by people who already have relatives abroad [8}; Nowadays, the Slavic population for the most part has chosen modern Kazakhstan for living in the future. How can this be explained?
In modern Kazakhstan, along with perestroika, came serious and tangible freedoms for the will of the ethnic groups of the country, including Russians. There are a number of organizations and movements in the republic that defend the rights of the Russian population, develop and support Russian culture. The most significant of them are the Lad movement, the Russian community of Kazakhstan organization, the Cossack organizations (they are a separate conversation). The Lad movement (created in 1992) has about 30000 members, has regional organizations in all 17 areas. The main activity is the sphere of interethnic relations, seeking to protect and preserve the identity of the culture, language and spiritual heritage of the Slavs of the region. The “Russian community of Kazakhstan” is part of the Assembly of the Peoples of Kazakhstan.
Then, between Russians and Kazakhs, no extreme antagonism existed and is not felt (the attitude towards the people from the Caucasus or Central Asia is more aggressive). Both ethnic groups evaluated the difference in their living conditions as small and were critical of the prospects for the full independence of Kazakhstan; Anti-Russian sentiments here, as compared with other Central Asian states, were expressed very weakly, which was recognized even in domestic, Western, anti-Russian-minded sources . We must pay tribute to the leadership of the republic - in recent years it has done a lot for the integration of Russians into Kazakhstani society. The continuation of this policy in the coming years is the most rational strategy of peace and ethnic tranquility both in our country and in the entire Central Asian region.
Further, it is important from the psychological point of view of the mass, ethnic consciousness of an individual people and the fact that complex, contradictory perestroika events did not affect the general aura of positive focusings, fatal relations in Kazakhstan to Russians. No radical consequences, assessments of interethnic relations as bad, because It was the Russians with Russia who had arranged this entire perestroika mess (as it was estimated in the Baltic countries, partly in Ukraine, Georgia), did not follow. Insults with words and actions, as punctual manifestations of nationalism at the household level, became frequent in the first two years of independence (1992-1994), but declined again along with the general extinction of euphoria about the proclamation of sovereignty. The reality of independence turned out to be much more complicated than it seemed in all echelons and not only of power.
In addition, the national policy of the Kazakh leadership, reflected in the Constitution and other laws, reflects concern about the complex ethnic situation, its ability to prototype Karabakh or Yugoslavia, go into the bloodiest conflict without winners. This is due to the fact that the Kazakh governing elite, rallying around President Nazarbayev, consists mainly of mentally Russified functionaries who received mainly education in Russia and therefore meet nationalist requirements only to the extent determined by the situation requiring the status of an independent state in the CIS space internationally. These freedoms are limited only if their realization threatens peace in the state or violates the Constitution. So, for example, all actions that could violate "interethnic consent" are considered unconstitutional. Tension, therefore, does not exist between Russians and Kazakhs, but between ordinary layers of Kazakhs, Russians and the elite leadership of the country, mainly Kazakh, whose actions are not sufficiently publicized, few are under public control. In this regard, the interests of ordinary residents of the republic, the Kazakhs and Russians largely coincide. Here is a possible barrier to future conflict.
Then, the number of supporters of the Russian language in the republican leadership is still so great that the Russian language occupies much higher positions here than, for example, in the Baltic states or in Uzbekistan and other Central Asian republics of the CIS. And this trend will continue for a long time due to the lack of literature, textbooks, teachers in the Kazakh language. All efforts to push back the Russian language and support Kazakh have so far changed little. As before, the Russian language is dominant in science, the media and big politics, which is partly explained by at least the seven thousand kilometer border with Russia in the Guinness book.
The issue of citizenship, which was very worrying for Russians in the early years of independence, who were faced with the alternative of accepting either Kazakh or Russian citizenship, has now been made. Most Russians decided on Kazakhstani citizenship, hoping that they would be better off here than in Russia and other countries.
As for the real participation in the political struggle, the ethnic factor is weakly involved. Russian will never become the president of the Republic of Kazakhstan, since, at the request of the Constitution, it does not speak Kazakh fluently. Perhaps that is why the overwhelming majority of Russians express political apathy. It is assumed that this is also a consequence of the lack of real chances to reach the “heights” of power, where the overwhelming majority of Kazakhs, and among Russian speakers, the same Russian people are involved: M. Shkolnik, N. Korzhova, G. Marchenko, M. Bortnik, A. .Lukin; Germans - G. Belger and A. Rau; Korean - V.Ni and others.
Meanwhile, the modern Kazakhstan electoral system cannot be called ethnically closed. Russians in this system also have chances of success to get to deputies of the Majelis (lower) and senate (upper house of parliament) and akims (mayors) of individual cities (such as Kustanayky-S. Kulagin) and regions. Of course, in this case, the overall loyalty to the government and the President is very important.
It is necessary to agree that political apathy is typical for all Kazakhstanis. They are not accustomed to unite to defend their own interests and to consider the elected deputies as their real representatives. The reason for this lies, obviously, not only in the legacy of Soviet times, but also in the pre-Soviet structures of thought and power that survived socialism.
The Russian population of Kazakhstan is split along several lines, and this is due, among other things, to the Russian migration to these lands, which stretches for 150 years. Immigrants and their descendants, depending on the time and purpose of their arrival (Cossacks, peasant migrants, exiles of Stalin's time who left for the war, workers in production, virgin lands, etc.) differ greatly from each other in their social, economic and cultural level; there are large differences in the degree of their attachment to Kazakhstan. Russian villagers often speak Kazakh and for the most part belong to the first wave of immigrants, so they have deeper roots in Kazakhstan. Post-war immigrants - both virgin lands and industrial workers, on the contrary, believed that they came for a while, not intending to change the country of residence; they only moved here for temporary work (like Turksib, Mangitka, BAM, etc.), from one part of the Soviet Union to another.
We should not forget that Russians, like all of Kazakhstan’s society, are divided into poor and rich, rural and urban, educated - uneducated, and the gap between different generations is also widening. The Kazakhs are also by no means a single nation, they are also very noticeably stratified, above all, unlike other local ethnic groups, into clans (zhuzes).
Recently it has become more noticeable (perhaps this is somehow connected with the crisis of Russia) and the fact that Kazakh Russians are increasingly feeling that the government and the population of Russia are no longer considering them as "their own". In the first years after the collapse of the USSR, there was no shortage of bellicose statements about the protection of Russians in the “near abroad”, however, real politics showed that their interests are not the highest priority for their historic homeland. Repeatedly the settlers were convinced by their own experience that they were not particularly welcome here. According to S. Panarin, Russian society is isolationist in the East and in the South of the former empire. One part of society simply “forgot” about the Russians living there, the other rades about its “fellow countrymen” in those parts as something abstract, about carriers of higher ethnic interests, but not as real people . Even during perestroika, the difference between Russians in the Russian Federation and abroad was already felt: “foreigners” turned out to be more patriotic (a typical phenomenon of the diaspora - part of the people (ethnic community) living outside their country of origin, their historic homeland) dispersed-gopnicheskih-minded Russian in Russia. NATO aggression in Yugoslavia, perhaps for the first time, stirred up the swamp of Slavic identity (“our Slav brothers are beaten!”).
Formally, Russia everywhere and everywhere stands for the protection of Russians anywhere in the world. In reality, it is a question of the refusal of the Russian authorities to act as a refuge state for the Russians. Any Jew on the planet knows that if an anti-Semitic sentiment appears in his country of residence, the Israeli embassy will stand up for him. Regardless of citizenship. Germany accepted the Volga Germans 200 years after their ancestors left their homeland and granted them citizenship, simply because they were Germans.
When the anti-Chinese pogroms began in the Solomon Islands, this caused immediate intervention by the government of the PRC. The Chinese evacuated approximately 300 citizens to China from the rioting island nation. Note, the Chinese government saved the Chinese simply because they are Chinese, and not at all - citizens of the PRC. Moreover, China does not have diplomatic relations with the Solomon Islands (the latter recognize Taiwan as the “Republic of China”).
Russia is not yet a refuge for its ethnic group, it does not support Russians abroad. Ethnic Russian can not automatically receive Russian citizenship. Is it about Kazakhstan with his oralmans. During the years of independence, about seven hundred thousand ethnic Oralman Kazakhs from China, Mongolia, Afghanistan, Iran, Uzbekistan, and even Russia moved to the republic. With instant citizenship and benefits, which, however, in many ways turned out to be formally demagogic, their receipt drags on for years. That is why, in general, the positively conceived “Relocation Program” suffers a collapse among Russians in modern Kazakhstan.
Now let us turn to some socio-psychological factors contributing to the formation of a unique diaspora specifics of the Russians living, and at the same time the specifics of their “freezing” in Kazakhstan.
The first. The Russians survived here in Kazakhstan and took their place in the everyday life not colonial, as some local researchers believe, by the methods of imperial pressure on the local population, because of themselves, their resilience and hard work. The Kazakh population was in the middle - end of the nineteenth century predominantly nomadic. Kazakhstan is a zone of risky farming. Near Siberia with its fierce frosts. Up to 70% of the harvest could disappear in the months of frosts. And they can be in two years on the third. Consequently, the n settlers could feed themselves only on persistent agricultural labor, not relying on the help of the generally friendly nomads. Why friendly? Because almost three thousand-year history of nomads is based on the constant movements of herds across the steppes from the Carpathians to the Pacific Ocean in search of food for them. The arrival with its numerous cattle, even in the conditions of the boundless steppes, was always associated with the possibility of a clash with the owners of local lands, where the steppe men came to wait. And a thin world in these conditions has always been better than a “good” war. Hence, the traditional friendliness and openness of the Kazakh people to any ethnic group.
So, hard work has become one of the existing images of Russians in the Kazakh lands. It should be noted that the Kazakhs themselves are also very hardworking and executive people. One of the obvious examples of this is real, “without fools” or “stabbing”, service in any kind of troops in the Soviet, and now in the Kazakh army. Thus, isolation from the historical homeland, living in a foreign language, a different kind of specialization of work environment, has caused considerable labor motivation of wide layers of the Russian-speaking population.
The second. The Russians in Kazakhstan, unlike their Russian counterparts, remember very well and honor all their relatives, no matter where she lives or whatever distance she is related to. Moreover, not only traditional forms of communication, such as weddings or funerals, are taken into account. There are many more reasons for the frequency of communication between relatives. Living among alien ethnic groups has stimulated these blood-related contacts and connections for clearer, more stable coordination in helping each other and possible protection from problems. By the way, the positive, close, permanent, undisguised traditions of close kinship and zuz communication are relevant here. Up to, for example, a real opportunity for even a distant relative of the Kazakhs to live with you, as much as he needs, including years ... This ethnically-behavioral setting is one of the most difficult for our stereotypes of understanding ("an uninvited guest is worse than a Tatar" “It's time and honor to know”). If young Kazakhs or Russians want to start a joint family, this is one of the most serious obstacles to the happiness or strength of the future family from the point of view of relatives on both sides. Kazakhs are well aware that in the traditions of the Russians there is no obligation to tolerate even a perished relative for a week ... Hence, marriages between Kazakhs and Russians are not welcome. And if they took place, then secretly the relatives of the Kazakhs recommend their not to stay at a party out of respect as the traditions of the Russian side! Hence, the increased contact between Russians and their relatives has grown against the background of possible ethnic incidents, strengthening self-confidence and complacency for a successful labor process and everyday forms of communication.
Third. Internationalism. Tolerance for other nations. In general, this feature is peculiar to the Russian people historically. The composition of the Russian lands from the Ruriks always included a sufficient number of foreigners, who were not particularly targeted by ethnicity. In the conditions of Turkic-speaking Kazakhstan, this is especially significant. With the moderate mode of co-residence of different peoples in the territory of tsarist Turkestan, the Kazakh SSR, an independent Kazakhstan, forced for the Russians and tolerant by the indigenous ethnos, so that Russians stably behave tolerantly and with respect to the Kazakhs.
Here, the author suggests a digression from a strictly scientific style of presentation. The author recalls a trip in the city bus of Rostov-on-Don (as well as of any city in Russia). Swearing between passengers, with the mention of the plaintext of everyone and everything, that is called "without brakes" - an ordinary thing. In Almaty, any other city of Kazakhstan - this is impossible because of ... peace and quiet between the passengers. They are of different nationalities! A pair, collective quarrel will surely touch someone in the cabin, primarily an ethnic Kazakh or Russian. And this is fraught with intolerance of domestic nationalism, which can quickly move to more serious actions due to the ugly comments of a representative of one nation - another, but already in droves. However, further than “go to your Russia”. - And in response: “I have grandfathers and great-grandfathers here,” the situation will not work. More than four million Russians from Kazakhstan have nowhere to go. In Russia, in the same Rostov, one ethnos predominates - Russians. Hence, the possibility of more free to start a scandal in transport, at least removing the stress. In Kazakhstan, this is not possible. The ethics of inter-ethnic relations are already cultivated here, respect for Russians and Kazakhs is well established, and it is difficult to break them.
Fourth. Greater integrity and decency in relation to official duties. This generally quite legitimate thesis in Kazakhstan can still have a dual character of social-motivational realization. Yes, open nationalism, hostility, threats in Kazakhstan to the Russians were not and are not. This will confirm any. Meanwhile, to the Slavs there may simply be more attention from the indigenous ethnos. So that they are less or not late at all, they are not truant, they quit their jobs at the time, diligently carried out their duties and other postulates that are completely harmless in this regard, which require constant stress and self-control after the Soviet traditional or perestroika disorder. Today, if something is wrong, if everything is not working out for you or this negativism is included in the system, then you may be subject to complaints, up to and including dismissal. It is not a secret for anyone here that the overwhelming majority of bosses in the republic are Kazakhs (they speak the state language for the most part, and this is required by law for superiors).
There are many more well-known people in the country than the Russians, close Kazakh kinship ties and the need, even almost the obligation, to help their relatives, including in finding employment, even if they do not have sufficient qualifications or knowledge. This is not about nationalism; Kazakhs from other regions, zhuzes can also fall under such a subjective “press” of the authorities. The fifteenth anniversary of the active initiation of Kazakhstan to market relations is already breaking down these stereotypes, and there is an ever more dense reorientation in personnel policy towards education, experience, and professionalism. However, all this happens more slowly than we would like. This is where the Slavs form an additional vital need for increased motivation, principle in carrying out their official duties, and in forming and maintaining the image of decency at work.
The fifth. Orthodox Christian religiosity. After the collapse of the Soviet system with it went into oblivion and religious prohibitions. In Kazakhstan, this process has received a specific continuation. Today we can say that in the republic there are successfully two religions: Islam and Orthodox Christianity. Both are allowed to function by law. Although the state in Kazakhstan is secular, religiosity is tacitly encouraged. The social status of clergymen increased, meaningful acquisition of religious education, the free exercise of cult activities, sale and use, and the wearing of symbols. The problem is that religiosity in the republic today is specifically of an ethnicization type: all Kazakhs are Muslim, and all Russians are Orthodox. It is worth noting that the confession of other religions (Krishnaism, Scientology, Bahai, etc.), belonging to sectarianism (especially Muslim) is not openly approved. As well as criticizing almost openly the adoption by Kazakhs of Christianity (more often), or by Russians - of Islam (less often). It is believed that every cricket should know its hearth. The fact that any of these two world religions can be individually accepted by any person of any nation is preferred not to advertise. This factor contributes to greater religiousization of both areas of the population, rallying them also on a specific spiritual basis. I think that under these conditions, the Russian Orthodox Church of Kazakhstan, more and more, in the modern American manner, is also beginning to wear the status of a Slavic center-club of communication. Where you can come not only with traditional religious sentiments, but also with the purpose of communicating on everyday topics. At the same time, the further religiousization of the Slavs in the republic and their more profound ethnicization take place.
There is a personal opinion that in Soviet times, Russians in the KazSSR were more religious than throughout the USSR for the same reasons, although their numbers prevailed over the Kazakhs. The spirit of Islam has always prevailed in the region, supported by the presence of the Uzbek, Turkish, Tatar, North Caucasian, Azerbaijani, Uygur, Dungar traditional Muslim diasporas. Today, in fact, each of these Muslim ethnic groups is more concerned with surviving in market conditions than with the tasks of confronting the Orthodox Russian.
Sixth: language semi-mortem. In the republic, in everyday life, in business, in interpersonal communication, Kazakh-speaking people are increasingly spreading. Attempts of mass teaching of the Kazakh language to other ethnic groups of the population have failed. It went unsystematically, with rush waves, without an appropriate educational and pedagogical preparation, literary and methodological basis. The biggest problem in this is, in our opinion, the psychological factor. The Russian language is still in demand more than Kazakh in interpersonal communication, in education; It’s not a secret on radio and television that Russian-language programs are more popular, although there is a law for mass media that 50% of all broadcasts must be in Kazakh, 50% in Russian. The main strata of the Russian population are those who are now behind 30, and this is not a fruitful age for learning languages. The motivation for learning the language is still low — the Russian language is also much more popular in communication than Kazakh. There is a factor in mastering the Kazakh language in order to reach its fluency for career purposes. However, in practice this is not possible due to the same widespread range of the Russian language. Consequently, to occupy some administrative and political positions to the Slavs, therefore, is hardly possible. Meanwhile, Kazakh-speaking as the main way of social communication for Turkic-speaking ethnic groups (Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Turks, Dungans, etc.), has grown noticeably in recent years. And if in the institutions, departments, workshops, there was a factor in speaking in well-known Russian, including out of respect for Russians who do not know Kazakh, now it is becoming more common to speak Kazakhs, Turks and Kazakhs. Russians find themselves in a situation of linguistic semi-mortem. She also rallies the Russian speakers even more. Meanwhile, this situation does not provoke a surge of domestic nationalism. Moreover, she provoked a curious fact: Russian-speaking parents began to send their children to nurseries and kindergartens with Kazakh-speaking teachers. In the hope that children will learn conversational Kazakh in childhood through games, communication with the children of the Turks, and will grow up not as “dumb” as their parents, the older generation. By the way, this is another factor emphasizing that the Russians are not going to leave the republic!
(INSTEAD OF CONCLUSION)
The processes of Kazakhization in the republic will increase. Firstly, due to the higher birth rate of the indigenous population, especially in towns and villages. Secondly, due to the ongoing relocation of the Oralmans home. They do not know Russian at all, contributing to the Kazakh communication. Further, the crisis in the country further reduces the chances of employment, especially in rural areas of the country, contributing to the active migration of the rural population (mainly Kazakh and youth) to the cities, further increasing the percentage of Kazakh-speaking people there.
The share of the Russian population in Kazakhstan will further decrease and, consequently, the value of the entire Kazakh will grow, and at the same time the already existing feeling of ethnic discomfort among the Kazakh Russian-speakers.
They are already characterized by low fertility, high mortality and low rates of natural increase. The total birth rate of the Russian ethnos was 8,6 ‰ (lower than the national average by 65,1% or 1,7 times), while the mortality rate is much higher than 1,4 times . The average age of Russians in Kazakhstan is 45-47 years against 25 from the Kazakhs. Given the low life expectancy in the country (of the order of 60 years), there is no need to be a visionary. If we compare it with one of the “oldest” countries in Europe - Sweden, then the average age of the population is 41 a year, with an average life expectancy of 80 years.
At the same time, it should be noted that of the current contingent of the Russian population, almost the overwhelming majority would like to live in Kazakhstan. This is one of the reasons why the Russians, for the most part, support the presidency of Nazarbayev, who openly declares the Eurasian principles of international politics.
Over four million Russians intend to continue to remain citizens of Kazakhstan. A lot has been said here about the positives of their life. However, identifying problems is always more significant. It reveals painful points, makes it possible in time to assess the degree of negativity of the situation and take timely measures not to bring the situation to a conflict, especially international, in which there are no winners. Not enough confidence in their future, a sense of inability to fully realize their potential, future uncertainty of their children, fears at the next redistribution of property when the new president of RK came to power, to become a victim of a surge of domestic nationalism, envy of their viability on the part of marginal Kazakh people, first of all, from immigrants from regions and regions of the republic, who were unable to obtain stable employment, housing, and their children - education, etc. These reasons can serve as a fertile ground for even greater separatism of the ethnic groups of Kazakhstan. Although I would not say for now, it will definitely lead to further destabilization of the situation, growth of aggressiveness, activation of domestic nationalism. Although such an extreme, of course, with the failure of appropriate preventive measures, is possible.
What conclusions from here suggest themselves? It is possible that the Russians here have not yet found a new identity; they cannot realize themselves as a self-centered single group, although the Lad movement, the Russian community and, above all, the Cossacks, have gone beyond local boundaries. Cossacks here in Kazakhstan is a special phenomenon that should be taken seriously, primarily because of their readiness to use force and as a result of close ties with the Cossacks of Russia. However, the behavior of the Cossacks are not typical for all Kazakhstani, even among Russian Russians.
The Russians in Kazakhstan today are noticeably in a particular historical, ethnical, cultural, linguistic, religious position in relation to Russia; here they have their established interests, socialization, lifestyle, and are no longer specific agents of Moscow’s policy, as some Moscow nationalist-minded politicians would like.
They should develop their own local identity and recognize that they are different from Russians in Russia and in some ways even closer to the Kazakhs today than it seemed to them themselves. It is important for them to continue to master all forms of education (including in Russia, abroad), a variety of specialties, a general package of knowledge and skills. All this, in spite of the emerging, sometimes negative, events described above, will allow us even in times of crisis, with the current and progressive decrease in population, to remain leaders of foreign-language groups of the population of the republic, retaining that high socio-political status and role one hundred and fifty years have been noticeably inherent in them here.
2 Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Almaty, 1995.
4 “zhuz” in translation from the Turkic language means literally “hundred”. But in a figurative sense, this word is understood as “a hundred relatives”, which in Kazakhstan is represented by three zhuzes - “senior”, “middle” and “junior”. Sometimes zhuz is also understood as a “genus”, of which there are several dozen in the republic. Thus, the Argyn clan includes over three million of its representatives, who consider each other relatives, from N. Shaprashty. Nazarbayev.
5 “Agay” in the Turkic and modern sense means “elder”, including as “elder brother”.
6 So, according to the 1897 census, peasants made up 77,1% of the population. See. Lapshin A.O. Changes in the countries of Eastern Europe: what they lead to. M .: Knowledge, 1991. C. 19.
7 Russians in Kazakhstan: Present and future prospects http://russkie.org.ru/index.php?module=fulitment&id-12256.
8 Washington ProFile. 27 June, 2008.
9 Gudkov L. Attitudes Toward Russians in the Union Republics // Russian Social Science Review, 1993. No. 1. P. 59; Levada Y. Public Opinion. Moscow, 1993, etc.
10 Panarin S. Security of the Russian-speaking minority in Central Asia and the policy of Russia // Nationalism and security in the post-Soviet space. M., 1994. C. 26.