In Lithuania, passions continue to seethe about the plot from the Russian TV program “Man and Law”, which opened the veil of lies surrounding the tragic events that occurred in Vilnius in January 1991. The topic of the information war, which the Kremlin propagandists allegedly have been waging against the republic for a number of years, has been largely rewritten. It is alleged that within the framework of this “war” a “false story” about the events of January 13 was shown.
A special indignation of the Lithuanian "counter-propagandists" in the TV program was reminded by the former secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party, Algimantas Naujunas, about the call "Fly the bellies of pregnant officers' wives so as not to give birth to invaders!" That sounded at rallies in Lithuania. Their main argument is that the "singing revolution" in Lithuania 1988-1991 was supposedly extremely democratic and tolerant to all people living in its territory. But this is a myth.
Myths and truths
In this regard, I will try to refresh the memory of Lithuanian opponents and remind them of the inter-ethnic situation in Lithuania after the XIUMX year in June of the Movement in support of perestroika, the so-called “Sajūdis”. Fortunately, I have enough documentary sources for this.
At the beginning of its existence, “Sajudis” proclaimed noble and lofty goals. But after Vitautas Landsbergis came to the leadership of the movement, in September 1988, with the blessing of the KGB of the Lithuanian SSR and the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Lithuania (the well-known Lithuanian writer Vytautas Petkavičius was the leader of Süudis for the first three months) roll.
It was not by chance.
In order for the little-known and not charismatic musicologist Landsbergis to become the leader of the nation, it was necessary to create enemies. And not only external, but also internal, living near the Lithuanians.
The confrontation with these enemies was supposed to rally the Lithuanian nation around the new leader.
After all, even the ancient philosopher Plato warned that "most of the tyrants came out of demagogues who gained confidence by slandering noblemen ... These demagogues constantly support society’s readiness for war so that people would need leaders."
Accordingly, the new leadership of “Sajudis” began to “zombie” the inhabitants of the republic with false reports. The first "trial ball" was thrown by the associate of Landsbergis, the editor of the newspaper "Gimtasis kraštas" ("Native Land"), Algimantas Čekuolis. In the summer of 1988, his newspaper published the text of a leaflet calling for “killing Lithuanians”, allegedly written by Russian extremists. The reaction of the Lithuanians to such a leaflet was predictable. However, it soon became clear that the leaflet was rigged by the sajudists themselves. But Cekuolis, a formerly famous Soviet internationalist internationalist and part-time KGB officer, pretended that this did not concern him ...
12 August 1988, Cekuolis, at a meeting with CPSU Central Committee Secretary Alexander Yakovlev, stated that the day before the Russian guys had cut the Lithuanian youth only because he wore the “Sajudis” badge. Already after Yakovlev's departure, it turned out that this was another lie. The youth was wounded by his Lithuanian friends. (“Soviet Lithuania”, 13.08.89).
But the voiced information has already been replicated in the Lithuanian media, contributed to the incitement of ethnic hatred, awakened the desire to "take revenge on the Russians."
The Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR “On the Use of the State Language in the Lithuanian SSR” played a decisive role in the interethnic split in Lithuania. The international practice of introducing the state language indicates that this should take into account the structure of the population, the place of compact residence of foreign-speaking citizens, the availability of material, scientific and methodological basis. The real timing of the transition to the state language is extremely important in this process.
However, the leadership of Sayudis tried to make the Lithuanian language its tool in the split of the Lithuanians and foreigners of the republic. In many respects this was due to the fact that Landsbergis, trying to present himself as a “strong personality,” everywhere demonstrated categorical and uncompromising attitude towards the protection of Lithuanian.
In January 1989, he and his deputy. V. Chepaytis sent a letter to the Presidium of the Armed Forces of the Lithuanian SSR. In it, referring to the social and political authority of “Sajudis”, and, allegedly defending the Lithuanian language, they ultimately demanded - “In the Decree on the state language there should not be special exceptions in favor of another language” (See the Sajudis newspaper Revival No.1, 06.01.1989).
As a result, on January 25, 1989 was adopted a Decree on the state language with unreasonably tight deadlines for switching to it. For Vilnius and the city of Snechkus, where the Russian-speaking population made up half or more of the population, as well as for the residents of Vilnius and Shalchininka districts, whose population on 80% consisted of Poles, these were simply unrealistic demands.
In response, the socialist movement “Vienybe - Unity - Jednos” 12 in February 1989 of the year held a hundred-thousand rally of foreign-language speakers in Vilnius. And although the protesters mostly criticized the unrealistic terms of the introduction of the state language, Lithuanian television built a plot about the rally in such a way that the impression was created - foreign speakers spoke out against the Lithuanian language as such.
The rally at the Palace of Sport was presented as a gathering of Russian-speaking extremists who do not want to know the Lithuanian language, do not respect Lithuanian culture and the Lithuanians themselves.
Since then, in Lithuania, all those who opposed the ultimatum of secession from the USSR have been called "Oneness".
For any Lithuanian, the “oneness” has come to mean - this is the enemy. So a wedge was driven in between Lithuanians, on the one hand, and Russians, Poles, Lithuanians of Belarus, on the other.
After 7 months, 13 August 1989, the chairman of the national affairs committee of the Sajudis A. Gorodeckis was forced to admit that: “The law on the use of the Lithuanian language ... doesn’t pay enough attention to the actual situation in different regions of Lithuania. For Snechkus, for example, it was possible to increase the time limit for mastering the language ... The incarnation of the law is difficult ... But the Government is not to blame for this "Sajudis".
The heirs of “Sajudis” still behave in this way in Lithuania. First, they make mistakes, and then they are guilty of everything except themselves.
Russian - "parasites"
By the autumn of 1988, the Saаюudis fully took control of the social and political situation in the republic. Already 6 of October of that year was restored the national symbols of the times of the bourgeois republic: the tricolor flag, the coat of arms of Vytis and the pillars of the Gediminas. October 9 on the Gediminas Tower was raised a new national flag.
22-23 October 1988 of the year “Sajudis” held a founding congress. The 1122 delegate and 3,5 thousands of guests arrived. Also invited was the entire party active in the republic. The congress was covered by 400 journalists, of whom 103 was represented by world news agencies and the largest foreign publications of 17.
Gorbachev conveyed to the Congress "sincere greetings and wishes." However, the atmosphere at the congress was clearly anti-Russian and anti-Soviet in nature.
The slogans of some of the speakers, “Russian - occupiers” and “Remove the occupying army from Lithuania,” were greeted by applause and chanting “Lie-tu-va!”. Moscow did not answer.
After that, the majority of the mass media in the republic took anti-Soviet and anti-Russian positions. I will give just a few examples. Even the intellectual weekly of the Lithuanian Writers' Union Literatura ir menas (Literature and Art) was engaged in replicating evil caricatures of Russians. 11 February 1989, a cartoon was published in it, which depicts two groups of "rogues" with huge spoons and a bottle of vodka, looking greedily at the map of Lithuania. One of them in Russian proclaims "Everything is common! Enough for everyone! ” The hint is clear.
Soon the next caricature appeared. A huge fellow tears to shreds the textbook of the Lithuanian language, which he was given by a little Lithuanian girl. And at the side of some "uncle" says to the girl: "Do not be angry little brother!"
22 April 1989, after the events in Tbilisi, "Literatura ir menas" publishes a new cartoon. A Soviet soldier offers a Lithuanian girl and her father a sapper shovel for planting a tree. The inscription is in Lithuanian letters, but in Russian: "I can lend a spatula ...". Etc.
As for the printed editions of “Sajudis”, they were not at all shy about expressions. 12 of May 1989 of the “Sayudis News” (No. 85), the press organ of the Sayudis Seimas Council, published the poem “Pluralism of“ Brotherhood ”Opinions.” These were 6 stanzas of an almost commonplace scolding of Russians.
In this “work”, Russians were called “roach kings” fattened on Lithuanian loaves, “parasites and pork snouts”, “stupid slaves of their second end, unscrupulous, with bloody faces and lips of lips”. The poem was meaningfully signed by the "Conscience of the People." But the leadership of Sayudis and the political leadership of the republic did not seem to notice this offensive publication.
In May 1989, the magazine Pergale (“Victory”, No. 5, 6) published a “metaphysical diary” of the main ideologue of “Sajudis” Romualdas Ozolas. He was intriguingly called "Concepts". In the diary, the author characterized Russian culture and art as “horror, horror”.
Writer Julian Semenov, who wrote about Soviet intelligence, was awarded the epithet "disgusting".
As a national trait of Russian character, Ozolas noted: “stupidity, laziness, myopia, indifference ... Russian work was worse than death ... Russian always loved living beyond their means ... Russian has always been a fan of power: his fist has always been the best argument ".
At this point, Lithuania’s television was already under the full control of Sayudis. Its representatives arbitrarily interpreted historical events and the position of Moscow, which exacerbated the political and interethnic confrontation in the republic. Opinion that contradicts Landsbergist opinion was not allowed on Lithuanian TV.
It was in this way that the nationalistic psychosis in Lithuania was brought to such a state that in July 1989 of the year, at a rally of sayudists in Kaunas, there was a call for reprisals against pregnant wives of officers. There were also several leaflets on this topic. The case received unpleasant publicity. Therefore, on the republican radio (but only in the Lithuanian language), an attempt was made to explain the “tactlessness” allowed by Kaunas sayudists.
As a result, a gangster appeal, qualified as “tactlessness,” began to sound at other meetings. These appeals to foreign speakers in Lithuania were perceived literally. Why? In 1989, there were still quite a few who remembered the massacre of Lithuanian nationalists over the families of Soviet soldiers and Jews in June 1941.
I already wrote in the "Centuries" on this topic. However, let me remind you once again that during the war the Lithuanian nationalists and part-time Nazi collaborators managed to destroy thousands of Soviet activists and prisoners of war, as well as almost the entire Jewish population of the republic.
Also recall that in Soviet Lithuania, the issue of the participation of Lithuanians in massacres of Jews was ignored. In 1957, I experienced a real shock when, for the first time marked the anniversary of the mass execution of Jews in Reshe forest near Utena, the victims of this atrocity who managed to survive called the real culprits - Lithuanian nationalists.
Prior to this, the chairman of the district executive committee, who spoke at the rally, claimed that the Nazi invaders were responsible for the execution of the Jews. This version was then generally accepted. At home, in the courtyard, the older neighbors of the children, who remembered the German occupation, told how the nationalists in columns drove the Jews to be shot in the forest of Reshe. They even showed which of the "executioners" where he lived.
In May, the Russian-speaking 1989 was shocked by the message that appeared in the newspaper "Kauno aidas". It said that a decision was made to create "detachments of the regional defense" (krašto saugos būrius). Meanwhile, many people remembered that at the beginning of 1941, at the direction of the leadership of the pro-fascist “S Сjūdis” (predecessor of the perestroika “Sаюjūdis”), called the “Front of Lithuanian activists” (Lietuvių aktyvistų frontas), underground groups of the “protection of national labor” began to be created in Lithuania (tautino darbo apsaugą).
It was they who in June 1941 began the massacre of families of Soviet officers and Jews in Lithuania.
Subsequently, on their base, the German occupation authorities organized the Lithuanian police battalions, which became famous for the cruel massacres of civilians not only in Lithuania, but in Belarus and the Pskov region.
Therefore, the message about the creation of "guard detachments" and calls for reprisals, which were heard at rallies of the Syuidists, caused an extremely painful reaction among the majority of the Russian-speaking population of the republic. In this regard, the Socialist Federation of Workers of Lithuania (SFTL) published the photo album “Lithuania in the Lens” with 46 pictures of provocative and nationalist posters that irrefutably proved the fact of inciting ethnic hatred.
The photo album was sent to Moscow. However, measures to curb the illegal activities of Sajudis were never taken. The calls “Ivan - home!”, The vile caricatures, rhymes, articles, TV and radio programs were not condemned either by the Lithuanian authorities or by the representatives of “Sajūdis”.
It is necessary to tell about how Soviet journalists had to work in Lithuania if they wanted to show the real picture of what was happening in the republic. 25 August 1989 Pravda newspaper published an article by G. Ovcharenko “What is tomorrow?” It described how TASS photo correspondent Dmitry Sokolov went to his colleagues at the Lithuanian telegraph agency Elta to show the captured films. When it turned out that the photographs captured undesirable moments for sayudists, they were immediately flashed.
The article also described the difficult fate of a Russian woman met by Moscow correspondents in Gediminas Square in Vilnius. She complained that "Russians survive from Lithuania with all sorts of threats." Her garden country house and orchard were destroyed by some thugs. The woman found an option to exchange an apartment in Russia, but she was not allowed to change. They declared - “change only with Lithuanians”.
In this regard, I recall another fact. In the autumn of 1990, I ran from the Communist Party of Lithuania on the CPSU platform as a candidate for deputy of the Supreme Council of Lithuania. After one of the meetings with voters, two elderly women approached me and stretched a modest bouquet. They introduced themselves. It turned out that both daughters of Russian officers who had fled to revolution in 1918 year to Vilnius. According to them, they treated the communists all their lives negatively. But the interethnic situation in the declaring independence of Lithuania reminded them of the terrible first months of the 1941 war of the year. As a result, they reconsidered their attitude towards the Lithuanian communists who remained in the CPSU, since it was the only political force in the republic that declared its main goal to protect national, political, economic and social equality.
I remembered them all my life: “Son, you are the last hope for us that the Russians will live normally in Lithuania. Don't let us down. ” Unfortunately, the names and surnames of these Russian women remained in the records that the Lithuanian prosecutors seized from me during a search in the Vilnius apartment in December 1991 of the year.
The terrible massacres perpetrated by Lithuanian nationalists in 1941 and after the war largely determined the attitude of the foreign-speaking population of Lithuania to the proclamation of independence of the republic. Some were waiting for this independence, which promised them "the sky in diamonds", while others recalled the terrible shooting moats with the earth breathing above them ...
Let me remind you that it was during this period that bloody nationalist pogroms with numerous victims occurred in the Union in Sumgait (February 1989) and in Baku (January 1990). Foreign language Vilnius believed that in Lithuania, the case goes to the same outcome.
These fears and the forced “Lithuanianization” of the republic led to an increase in interethnic confrontation and the desire of the Russian-speaking population to leave Lithuania. By December 1990, the number of people willing to leave had reached 40 thousand.
Let me remind you of some Russian politicians who, by their behavior, actually supported the Russophobic moods of the Lithuanian authorities.
15 August 1990, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Ivan Silaev, paid an official visit to Lithuania. Despite all the attempts of representatives of Russian-speaking organizations to meet with Silaev, he never condescended to this. Representatives of SFTL managed to hand over to Silaev a “Petition for Granting Political Asylum” on behalf of ten thousand Russian families living in Lithuania, only by blocking the path of the motorcade of cars in which the Russian delegation was traveling. Today, Silaev, as you know, is positioning himself a patriot of Russia.
But not only Silaev distinguished himself in his support of Lithuanian Russophobes.
Immediately after the declaration of independence by Lithuania, 73, a Democratic deputy from the Moscow Council, sent a welcome letter to the Landsbergist Supreme Council. This caused an uproar in the Russian-speaking environment.
1260 residents of the city of Klaipeda sent a letter to the Moscow City Council, in which they offered Moscow deputies, enthusiastic supporters of Landsbergis policy, to exchange housing. In addition, a similar letter to the Moscow City Council was sent to 73 by an employee of the Vilnius factory of radio measuring devices. But already with their addresses and specific offers to exchange apartments.
Of course, there was no response from the Moscow Council to either the first or the second letter. In this regard, I appeal to readers. Take a look around, perhaps today with you are those who supported the Lithuanian nationalists in 1990, and today they pretend to be a patriot of Russia.
Today, in Lithuania, the claim is being imposed that in the 1980s the republic was marching towards independence in the “united order”. She was allegedly opposed by only a miserable handful of former partocrats who were trying to regain their lost power and the Russians, who did not want to learn the Lithuanian language.
In fact, this is a myth that was recently dispelled by one of the associates of Landsbergis, the former head of defense of the building of the Supreme Council of Lithuania, Jonas Gyachas. In January 2013 of the year he said in an interview with the correspondent of DELFI.lt: “It’s good if half a million people joined hands in Lithuania (i.e., they firmly supported independence. - V. Sh.), But about one and a half million waited for . And another half a million, if they were not categorically opposed, it is very opposed. ” (See “Seimo rūmų gynimo organizatorius: anuomet tauta no velnio nebuvo vieninga”, “DELFI.lt” 13.01.2013).
Gyachas gave a really realistic assessment of the socio-political situation that had developed by January 1991. In this regard, a few words about 240 thousands of Poles in Lithuania, most of whom did not accept the ultimatum of independence. Although, it would seem, they should have supported the exit of Lithuania from the USSR. After all, the Poles have lived on the territory of the republic for more than one hundred years and are its indigenous inhabitants.
But under Landsbergis, the Poles felt extremely uncomfortable. The practice of introducing the main provisions of the Decree "On the use of the state language in the Lithuanian SSR" in 1989 and the subsequent decisions of the Supreme Council of Lithuania reminded them of the "Lithuanianization" of the Vilnius Territory after its transfer to Lithuania in 1939.
This is what American journalist Anna Louise Strong wrote in her book “The New Path of Lithuania” on this subject:
“Having received Vilnius, the Smeton government revived Lithuanian nationalism in the city, as extreme and despotic as Polish. No one could receive civil rights, as well as the right to work, if he could not prove that he lived in Vilnius before the Poles captured him in 1920.
Bureaucracy prevailed everywhere, so many documents were required that out of 250 thousands of people living in the city, only 30 thousands were able to get civil rights. Citizenship could be bought for a bribe, for which many Jewish families did not have money. The employees of Smetona spoke with visitors only in Lithuanian, which the majority of the population of Vilnius did not speak. ” (New Lithuanian path. M .; Politizdat, 1990. P. 34).
As early as July 1989, Poles living in the Vilnius and Shalchininko districts of the republic raised the question of Polish autonomy. And the 6 of September of the same year, the session of the Shalchininki District Council of People’s Deputies declared the area a Polish national-territorial district. Subsequently, they were supported by the deputies of the Vilnius district.
In September, 1990, the Council of People’s Deputies of the Shalchininka region decided to establish the Polish Autonomous Region within Lithuania. It was a Polish protest against the ethnocratic policy of the Lithuanian authorities.
By July 1990, the dilettantism and excessive politicization of the Supreme Council, headed by Landsbergis, became apparent even to supporters of independence. Then 20 respected intellectuals of Lithuania made a “Appeal” in which they condemned the policy of the Supreme Council and proposed “electing the Revival Seimas”. ("Republic", 31.07.1990).
In response, Landsbergis and his entourage organized a real persecution against the signatories of the “Appeal”, presenting them as enemies of Lithuanian independence. This led to the fact that Sajudis was finally abandoned by intellectuals, who in October 1990 created an alternative to Sajudis - the Forum of the Future of Lithuania.
Trying to restore the lost positions, the Landsbergists took up the problem of protecting “Lithuanian” in the republic. As a result, in the fall of 1990, a campaign began to demolish Soviet monuments, and signs with Russian names suddenly disappeared from the streets of Lithuanian cities and districts and from all institutions. This again increased inter-ethnic tensions.
At the same time, the Landsbergists continued to instill in the population of the republic — Moscow was to blame for everything and the victims in their opposition to it are inevitable. False messages were regularly thrown in to reinforce these allegations. I will remind only one thing.
In September, Central Television of the USSR provided 1990 to the prosecutor of Lithuania (independent) Arturas Paulauskas for television broadcasting. He voiced the "fact of crying lawlessness" that the Soviet military allegedly committed. According to the prosecutor, in Kaunas, they broke into one of the apartments. The head of the family, separated from his wife and children, was taken to the front garden and shot!
However, when they began to understand, it turned out the following. A Lithuanian youth who had deserted from the Soviet Army, found shelter in Kaunas for a woman who kept considerable values at home. Within a few days, the young man managed to identify the caches in the apartment and cleaned out his “favorite” on 10 thousand rubles. (the cost of two "Zhiguli"). The woman said to the police. After the arrest of the thief, it turned out that he was also a deserter. Accordingly, he was handed over to the Soviet military authorities.
The deserter was taken for examination to the Kaunas military hospital. On the way back he tried to run. The deserter did not stop at the warning shot. And the next one was fatal. The fact of the murder took place. But as the prosecutor of the republic presented it to the Soviet television viewers!
Attempts to achieve the refutation of this TV program on the USSR Central Television proved unhelpful. This is how Soviet television worked. At that time, many allied publications were asking for a stance. But this is a separate issue.
The plot of the "shooting in Kaunas" did its job. The attitude of many Lithuanians towards the Soviet servicemen and their family members became simply hostile. The facts of refusal to families of military personnel in kindergartens, in obtaining a “buyer's business card”, without which a number of goods in stores were not released, acquired a mass character in Lithuania.
In this regard, of interest is the official report of the USSR People’s Deputies V. Azarov and G. Kryuchkov to President M. Gorbachev from October 25 of the 1990 year. Deputies wrote. “Familiarization with the situation on the spot ... confirms that the situation in Lithuania remains difficult and explosive. There is ample evidence that the legal rights of citizens are grossly violated in Lithuania, and the lives and safety of many people are at risk.
... More than 20 of thousands of families officially announced their decision to leave Lithuania if it left the USSR, since they are afraid of becoming hostages and victims of the tyranny of the fascist dictatorship ...
Many are intimidated, experiencing a sense of doom, apathy, fear, for anyone who disagrees with the position of the Saudi leadership is persecuted and morally terrorized.
... We were told about the numerous facts of insults to officers and soldiers, who are called not only as "invaders", persecution of their families, about cases when the buses were called upon to take the children of the military as hostages.
... This is typical of a statement by the commander of one of the regiments, which was supported by all those present at the meeting in the Vilnius garrison. "Weapon in our hands, do not bring us with your criminal inaction to the need to protect yourself and our families with these weapons. ” This was discussed even more sharply at a meeting with servicemen and their family members in the Klaipeda garrison ... ”
In the autumn of 1990, the situation in Lithuania was aggravated by the decision of the Allied authorities to conduct a “planned mobilization” of Lithuanian youths to the Soviet Army. For this, an additional contingent of paratroopers was sent to the republic. Landsbergists took full advantage of this to exacerbate the situation.
November 9 The Lithuanian Freedom League and Young Lithuania organizations controlled by Landsbergis held a rally near the Supreme Soviet building under the slogan "Let the land burn under the feet of the invaders!" On November 1990, Deputy Prime Minister R. Ozolas, in an interview with the newspaper Gimtasis kraštas (Native Land), stated the need for an armed struggle against the USSR.
In December, the previously mentioned provocateur A. Čekuolis published an article entitled “By force and intelligence!” (“Gimtasiskraštas”, 6 — 12 December 1990). In it, the Lithuanians were called upon to give armed resistance to the USSR.
December 15 The 1990 of the Year at the Founding Congress of the Association of Universal Human Rights requested that all those who arrived in Lithuania after the 1940 year be declared colonialists and occupiers.
As a result, the newspaper Respublika, in an editorial entitled “In view of the ruins” of January 6, 1991, described the situation in the republic as a “state of social psychosis”. Therefore, in January 1991, in Moscow, it was decided to stop provocative television and radio programs in Lithuania.
Another thing is that to solve this problem it was not necessary to send “Alpha” and Tanks. It was enough to prosecute those responsible for inciting ethnic hatred in the republic.
This allowed the USSR Law "On Strengthening Responsibility for Offenses against the National Equality of Citizens and the Forced Destruction of the Unity of the Territory of the USSR" which operated from April 2 on April 1990.
19 August events 1991 showed: in order for Landsbergists to back down, one statement from the Emergency Committee was enough. Deputies of the Lithuanian Armed Forces disappeared, and representatives of the Lithuanian security forces immediately removed their national insignia.
I was constantly called by former “comrades-in-arms” of the Lithuanian Communist Party and asked if their arrests were planned. That is, to restore constitutional order in Lithuania, the Kremlin was sufficiently realistic to demonstrate firmness.
But Gorbachev needed a failed provocation that would inflict a final blow on the Soviet Army and the KGB of the USSR, as well as on the supporters of the unity of the USSR in Lithuania. What happened in Vilnius on the night of January 13 1991.
Unfortunately, the seeds of national enmity, sown by "Sajudis" in Lithuania, give poisonous seedlings so far. This is evidenced by the following facts. 11 March 2008, on the anniversary of the proclamation of independence of Lithuania, a column of skin-headed young men marched along the central avenue of Vilnius. They chanted the slogans “One and a half, two and a half, beautiful Lithuania without a Russian!”, “Take the stick and kill the children!”. In Lithuanian, they sounded in rhyme, like counting.
The Vilnius court acquitted the young Lithuanian neo-Nazis who were marching, failing to discern in their actions inciting ethnic hatred. Moreover, a year later the city authorities again allowed them to march along the central street of the capital.
This attitude of the authorities apparently prompted the Lithuanian rock band Dictatorship in June 2011 to voice a song called the “Shalchininka District”. The song said that “a holy war is coming”, during which “the Poles will be hanged, the slaughtered Russians will wallow under the fence, the Jews will burn in the furnace and only real Lithuanians will remain alive”.
Interesting is the reaction of the Lithuanian establishment to this song. She was regarded as a work of "humorous nature" (?!) Naturally, the group "Dictatorship" is alive and well today. In August 2013 of the year in one of the districts of Lithuania, young Lithuanian nationalists, at the songs of the same “Dictatorship”, staged at their rally a public burning of portraits of Lithuanian politicians and public figures whom they did not like. So far, only portraits.
Swede Vladislav Nikolaevich. In 1990-1991 - Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Lithuania, member of the Central Committee of the CPSU, chairman of the Citizens Committee of the Lithuanian SSR, deputy of the Supreme Council of Lithuania.