The revolution of Peter I, with all its enormous costs, extremely painful, almost fatal consequences for the fate of the nation and the Orthodox Church, which determined this fate, was caused by the need to build an empire capable of accepting the challenge of other powers. Without a powerful army, military and commercial fleet to answer this call was impossible. In order to restore the course of Russian life in its integrity, a powerful manifestation of Russian culture was required, primarily Russian classical literature with Pushkin as its peak. The significance of Russian literature, which expressed the Orthodox understanding of the world in connection with the centuries-old spiritual experience of the nation, was brilliantly revealed by Valentin Nepomnyashchy (I refer to “Pushkin Phenomenon and historical lots of Russia. " - “New World” 1996, No. 5). As a matter of fact, as a modern state, Russia finally took shape under Pushkin - no one in self-confident Europe dared to call a barbaric country, which gave not only Suvorov and Kutuzov, but also a genius to whom the great Goethe passed his pen.
The dual task of combining spiritual power with material strength, combining the power of faith with the strength of a state organism (in other words, the task of giving God to God, and Caesar's - Caesar) - always faced our country. The course of historical development testified: without its solution, the Russian house will not stand - it will divide itself within itself.
Another attempt to change the cultural and historical code of the nation, formed by Orthodoxy, to make the Christian East West was made by Russian Marxists. “In 1917, the army, the front and the state collapsed left-winged Westernizers-radicals living in anticipation of the world proletarian revolution in the West” (A. S. Panarin. “Second Europe” or “Third Rome”? ”. Moscow: Institute of Philosophy, RAS, 1996). They looked at the Russian people as a firewood for a world civil war. Selflessness — the defining characteristic of the Russian people, brought up by the feat of the Savior and the Christian ascetics — was to be transformed into a heroic sacrifice "in the struggle for a working cause." However, very soon, reality sobered a significant part of the party elite. The working class of the developed countries did not come to the aid of the Russian followers of Marx, the permanent revolution in Trotsky was drowned in Germany and Hungary. I had to put an end to the thought that without the support of the world working class the new government would not stand. The existence in the capitalist environment forced to abandon the doctrine of war communism, to engage in economic recovery.
Moscow - Third Rome, or Planning for Stalin
Two directions of development were considered: the country again becomes part of the world economy, gives Western capitalists in the form of concessions a significant part of natural wealth and under the control of the state passes at an accelerated pace that part of the path that tsarist Russia did not pass at the last stage of its development. Or immediately builds the economy on socialist principles.
For some time, both directions developed in parallel. But it could not go on for long. In a hostile environment, taking lessons “from the capitalist” (“A smart communist will not be afraid to learn from the capitalist.” - VI Lenin. About the food tax) meant to lose time, which the Republic of Soviets - and Russia under its power - were released very little. The air smelled of gunpowder. Stalin turned Lenin's NEP - the era of industrialization of the USSR began.
The world did not yet know the practice of socialist construction. There were no solid recommendations on this subject in the writings of Marx and Engels. Their considerations regarding the organization of social labor in the new society did not fundamentally coincide with what was being done in the first socialist state, which, contrary to Anti-Dühring, was not at all about to die off.
Soviet Russia went its own way - strictly speaking, not Marxist. The basis of its economy has become a centrally planned economy. The plan has gained legal force. The activities of the non-state sector of the economy — collective farms, artels, consumer cooperatives — were also regulated by planned targets.
Let us leave aside the question of whether industrialization in Soviet Russia could have been different, avoiding rigid administration. The “market-socialist” economy of Titus Yugoslavia and the experience of modern China show that such a path is possible. I have already written about the paradox of economic relations in the former Soviet Union. Instead of the industrial initiative of the proletariat according to Marx, the Soviet economic system inherited traditional ideas about the hierarchy underlying the Christian world order. The Third Rome, even shaken by the revolution, continued to bear the stamp of the Second Rome. The Red Empire not only failed to completely overcome this legacy, but also absorbed it.
The socialist economy was built on two basic commandments. The first demanded from the business executive an absolute commitment to the “supreme principle” organizing the economic process. The second commandment related to the "neighbor."
Who is my neighbor in the system of economic relations? In the language of economics, it is a subcontractor (for which I, an economic entity, am a supplier of products), an employee of an enterprise standing in the technological chain, following mine. If I mine ore, my subcontractor is a blast furnace, if cast iron is a steelmaker, then a distributor, a machine builder, and so on until the chain leads to the final product — a space rocket, a refrigerator, a soup plate ... The socialist economy has created a network of cooperation ties through the Gosplan and Gossnab systems , that is, "appointed neighbors." She was guided not only by considerations of economic expediency, but also by the strategic interests of the state, the need to solve social problems. As a matter of fact, this complex network turned all enterprises of the country, the entire Soviet national economy into one huge factory, or into a “single large peasant yard” (SG Kara-Murza). Thus, the communal principle of social organization, traditional for old peasant Russia, was raised to the national level, became the basis of the socialist system.
All the repressions that accompanied the struggle for the establishment and maintenance of the Bolshevik dictatorship do not cancel one striking paradox: the practice of economic and labor relations in the Soviet Union was closer to the Christian commandments than in the old, pre-revolutionary Russia, where the predatory capitalist accumulation had already flourished.
State planning in the USSR became a strategic method of separating the Soviet economy, consistently striving for self-sufficiency, from the world capitalist economy. That is how Stalin understood the role of economic planning. I cite an excerpt from his Talks on Political Economy, held on January 29 1941: “The first task is to plan in such a way as to ensure the independence of the socialist economy from the capitalist environment. This is necessarily the most important. This is a form of struggle with world capitalism. To ensure that metal and machines are in their hands, in order not to become an appendage to a capitalist economy - this is the basis of planning. ”
Turn to national identity
The national character of the economic basis could not but lead a kind of “nationalization” of the superstructure in the sense of its reversal from the ideology of internationalism. The attainment by the Soviet state of material strength was impossible without replenishing spiritual power, without liberating the creative forces of the state-forming people, whose national spirit was sentenced to the highest measure after the revolution. Here are examples of the repression of the national consciousness of those years: “Russia! Rotted away? Died? Has died? / That same! Eternal memory to you ”(V. Aleksandrovsky,“ Truth ”143.8.1925); "Oh, how soon will the cruel hand / Disperse be thrown out of the way?" (A. Besymensky, magazine “30 days”, M. 1925). Brilliant political intuition prompted Stalin that without a resumption of the organic growth of Russian national identity, the socialist system was doomed in the conditions of the approaching world war.
“The red commissars destroyed the national Russia,” wrote Alexander Panarin. “For the word“ patriotism ”they put it to the wall. Any mention of the fatherland was considered the White Guard, because the proletarians have no fatherland. This lasted all the time while the commissars believed in the world revolution, the revolution in Europe. But the revolution did not happen. And when Hitler came to power in Germany, it smelled fried in the air. And then the most insightful red commissioners understood one simple thing: Russia is a very bad country, but they don’t have another one, and if Hitler wins this country, their place will be on the gallows and nowhere else. Those who understood this became patriots, and those who did not understand, Stalin simply put to the wall ”(Alexander Panarin“ XXI century will still be Russian century ”-“ Literary Russia ”01.10.2004).
Indicative of the relationship of the leader with Demyan Poor. A proletarian poet, accustomed to using the disposition of the authorities, who lived next door to Stalin in the Kremlin, in 1930, publishes the feuillet "Get off the stove," which said about the notorious "Russian laziness", that the Russian man allegedly has only one desire - to sit on the stove. Feuilleton received a sharp assessment of the Central Committee. “Poor Demian” (Esenin’s inversion) wrote an indignant letter to the head of state, but received a stern rebuke from him for “slandering the USSR, its past, for its present.” The leader was outraged by the accusation of the Russian people in Oblomovism. The lesson did not go in store Russophobe. In 1936, Poor wrote the libretto of the comic opera "The Heroes". It mocked the baptism of Russia, the robbers were contrasted with epic warriors, on whom the author did not spare the black paint. Stalin, who was present at the dress rehearsal, was outraged by the production. The Central Committee of the CPSU (b) issued a resolution that sharply condemned the opera for slandering Russia’s past. In 1938, Demian Poor was expelled from the party and the Writers Union.
In the book of G.K. Maryamov “The Kremlin Censor”, Stalin’s words are quoted: “Demyan Poor imagined historical perspectives incorrectly. When we moved the monument to Minin and Pozharsky closer to St. Basil’s Church, Demian Poor protested and wrote that the monument should be completely thrown away and that Minin and Pozharsky should be forgotten. In response to this letter, I called him "Ivan, who does not remember his kinship." We cannot throw away history. ”
Speaking of St. Basil's Cathedral. When the issue of reconstructing Moscow was being decided at a meeting of the Politburo, Stalin came in and Kaganovich, who then led the Moscow City Party Committee, demonstrating how convenient it would be tanks in parades, if you remove St. Basil’s Cathedral from Red Square, removed it from the layout. But the leader's unhurried voice came: "Lazarus, put in place." The temple was not touched.
In essence, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (B.) Called on the Bolsheviks to recall their relationship with Russia, warned that the scolding of all Russian by cosmopolitan internationalists must be stopped, one must learn to respect the history of the country, which Lenin used to call “the prison of nations” (stamp going back to the Marquis de Custine’s book Russia in 1837).
In 1932, the defeat of the Pokrovsky vulgar-Marxist school began, threatening, in the words of Academician Grekov, "the elimination of historical science in our country", its anti-patriotism and national nihilism were considered harmful. 15 of May 1934 of the USSR Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) adopt a resolution “On the teaching of civic history in schools of the USSR”. Council of People's Commissars and the Central Committee organized a commission to rework school textbooks. Let us note what disadvantages were noted in them: “idealization of pre-Christian paganism”, “ignoring the progressive role of monasteries”, “a look at the transition of Ukraine and Georgia under the authority of Russia as an absolute evil,” exaggerating the organization and consciousness of peasant unrest up to the XX century ”, “The idealization of the Strelets revolt”, “the underestimation of the victory of Alexander Nevsky on Lake Peipsi”, etc. The authors of historical textbooks were instructed to teach civil history in a lively, entertaining way, outlining the most important their events and facts in their chronological sequence, with the characteristic of historical figures. Thus, history returned to Soviet schools as a subject that brought up a love for the fatherland and for historical Russia among the younger generation.
“In everyday life of humanities,” writes Elena Dmitrievna Gordina, Candidate of Historical Sciences, - I.V. Stalin allowed to return "a number of the most valuable on the actual material of non-Marxist works of Russian and Western European historians." “Immediately proceed to the publication of Klyuchevsky,” Stalin wrote 1937 in April on a note by the head of the Press and Publishing Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU (B.) B.M. Tal
In the same year 1937, the centenary of the memory of A.S.Pushkin was turned into a nationwide celebration. Stalin returned the country to the artistic and aesthetic maxim, which had previously been oriented not only to Russian, but also to all the peoples of the Russian state, and which the great poet personified. “Pushkin,” wrote Pravda in those days, “came to the Uzbeks and the Tajiks ... to all the peoples who were connected by the revolution to the culture of the great Russian people.”
The leader of the USSR thus took the first step towards combining Soviet culture with the pre-revolutionary culture. Speaking in modern language, it has undergone a vertical integration. At the top of the vertical was Alexander Pushkin, as if the leader of Russian culture and all the peoples of the USSR, with Lermontov, Gogol, Nekrasov, Tolstoy, Chekhov located next to it. The study of the Russian classics in the school allowed the creation of a single cultural and ethical space on the sixth part of the planet, giving common moral lessons to young citizens of the country. Tatiana Larina, Masha Mironova, Maxim Maksimych, Taras Bulba and many other heroes of the works who studied teenagers who grew up in an atheistic state are deeply national images, they are spokesmen for Orthodox world outlook. It must be admitted: Soviet patriotism of the younger generation, thanks to the school, indirectly fed Christian sources.
The support of the Russian Orthodox Church, which turned into the official policy of the Soviet government after the famous night meeting in the Kremlin of Stalin and the three hierarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church in September 1943, was important in the spiritual improvement of the life of society.
It is unlikely that the leader of the USSR was a believer (although there are other opinions and even testimonies on this score), in no case can one idealize the attitude of the Soviet government to the Church in 40-s and the beginning of 50-s, when these relations were relatively favorable, but not and do not appreciate the fact that Stalin became, perhaps, the only figure in Russian history who managed, during the course of a single generation, to solve a two-fold problem: to create a powerful industrial power with spiritual potential adequate to its power.
The Great Patriotic War showed, firstly, that the victims and the burden that our people suffered during the industrialization period were not in vain; secondly, she demonstrated the moral superiority of the Soviet soldier over the enemy, in whose army, besides the Germans, there were soldiers from all over Europe from Madrid to Warsaw.
The mass heroism of the defenders of the socialist fatherland at the front and in the rear is a historical phenomenon that needs special study. Growing up in a priestly family, Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya became the first woman - the Hero of the Soviet Union. Alexander Matrosov, whose name also became a symbol of the sacrificial deed in the name of the motherland, was brought up in an orphanage, where there was no trace of Orthodox education. Understanding the Christian martyr feat is possible: he believes that the soul is immortal, that giving life for one's friends means be honored with eternal life in the kingdom of heaven. But how to explain why an atheist goes to die for the sake of others?
Nikolai Stepanovich Melnikov, professor, doctor of technical sciences, one of the managers of the Buran spacecraft program, recalls. As a child, he watched a heroic battle unfolding on the field near his native village Buinichi. The battle was fought with the fascists, rushing to Mogilev, the 388 th infantry regiment led by colonel S.F. Kutepov (the prototype of Serpilin’s comrade in Konstantin Simonov’s novel “The Living and the Dead”): “It didn’t fit in my mind like young warriors with an incendiary bottle climbed under the tank, atheistically, doing everything possible and impossible so that the tanks would not pass, while knowing that they have no more than 5 seconds left to live ... From atheism it follows that for a person there is nothing more precious than his own life. Then how to understand these warrior heroes, their massive heroism? This question was one of the main questions for me, and I was looking for the answer to it for most of my adult life. ” Nikolai Stepanovich came to the conclusion: in extreme situations, the hero is led by an immortal soul. It governs "the thoughts, feelings and behavior of a person, saving him from the illusion of a separate existence." As a believing Christian, it is difficult for me to disagree with the conclusions of the professor. I will only add that the illusion of separate existence helped to overcome also the feeling of collectivism, which was an essential element in the education of the Soviet young generation, reading the works of the classics, which laid the foundations of Christian morality in the hearts of students, as well as the lessons of history that taught to love their homeland and their people.
You can have a different attitude to the Stalin period of the Soviet past, but it’s certain that under Stalin our country’s heroic mission of saving mankind from Nazism fell to his lot with honor. It turned out to be at the level of the task that Russia took away the story - to keep the world from the evil in it.
Russia's historic mission
To stop the aggressor is the fate of Russia. The Patriotic War of 1812, blocked the path of Napoleonic France, which was bursting towards world domination. Peter I, breaking the invincible Charles XII, extinguished Sweden's European ambitions. An excursion into national history provides a whole series of examples of how invaders, striving for world hegemony, were losing strength in the fields of Russia. The geopolitical role of the Russian state as a “deterrent” is eloquently illustrated by the famous words of Alexander Bezborodko, head of the Foreign Affairs Board under Catherine II: “I don’t know how it will be with you, and with us not a single gun in Europe without our permission didn’t dare!” that the participation of the Russian Empire in World War I was a definite deviation from its geostrategic and moral principle to prevent the aggressor and protect justice. Departure from its historical mission, the game by alien rules destroyed the Russian empire, led the country to a fratricidal civil war.
The socialist system has returned to Russia the role of "holding" not only at the foreign policy level. A new historical reality was that the Western European powers in their domestic policy were forced to take into account the sympathies of the masses to the Soviet Union, to moderate the appetites of capital, to create a model of a social state.
The formation of a socialist community led by the USSR has repeatedly increased the capabilities of Soviet Russia in deterring aggressive forces, primarily the United States. America was forced to pursue a policy of balancing on the brink of war. Any attempts to cross this line, for example, in Korea or in the Middle East, if necessary, were suppressed by force. The oppressed peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America saw in the Soviet Union an ally in the struggle for independence. Colonial empires collapsed. A powerful movement of non-aligned states was formed, friendly to our country, whose authority was enormous.
In a speech at the XIX Congress, which was essentially the political testament of the leader, Stalin urged the representatives of the socialist countries to oppose the community of national-minded communists and democrats to the imperialist international: “The banner of bourgeois-democratic freedoms is thrown overboard. I think that this banner will have to be raised to you, representatives of the communist and democratic parties ... There is no one else to raise it. Previously, the bourgeoisie was considered the head of the nation, now there is no trace of the national principle. The bourgeoisie sells the rights and independence of the nation for dollars. The banner of national independence and national sovereignty thrown overboard. There is no doubt that you, representatives of the communist and workers' parties, will have to raise this banner and carry it forward if you want to be patriots of your country, if you want to be the leading force of the nation. ”
Rehearsal of Gorbachev's perestroika
However, in the USSR itself, after the death of the leader, the process of abandoning Stalin’s legacy, his policy of consistently drifting from the ideology of proletarian internationalism towards traditional cultural and historical values was launched.
The Twentieth Congress of the CPSU subjected Stalin’s legacy to a harsh revision. The condemnation of repression, the rehabilitation of convicts and the mass release of prisoners from the camps were accompanied by a weakening of the armed forces and costs in personnel policy. A number of outstanding military, political and economic leaders left the political field. The monolith of the socialist camp split: the struggle against the personality cult in the USSR was not accepted by the leadership of the PRC - the Soviet-Chinese alliance collapsed. The restoration of the "Leninist norms" of party life galvanized the cosmopolitan ideology of the 20s. Trotskyism, not fully obsolete by Khrushchev personally, led to the fact that a number of responsible posts were received by people alien to national roots. With the "thaw", the liberals-Westerners raised their heads. With their tacit approval, new persecutions of the Church began.
With Khrushchev, senseless reforming began, which could well be considered a rehearsal of Gorbachev's perestroika. The peasants, who only breathed a sigh of relief after the military ruin, cut back on their plots of land, forced them to pay taxes on fruit trees. Party leadership in all regions, up to Taimyr, demanded that collective farms, state farms and other farms introduce maize. State machine-tractor stations were eliminated - the most effective form of agricultural subsidies. Collective farms are obliged to buy agricultural equipment, maintain it and maintain. At the same time, elementary storage conditions were not provided: tractors and combines often stood in the open and rusted. Industry was forced to dramatically increase the production of agricultural machinery, often due to lower quality. As a result, the cost of agricultural products began to grow. The state could no longer dream of lowering food prices - they were steadily striving upwards.
Unthought experiments led to the dispersion of funds and labor. Economic growth has slowed. The authority of the authorities fell, which could not but affect the spiritual state of society. But the state was still strong. Successes in creating a nuclear missile shield, in space exploration, nuclear power engineering, construction of nuclear icebreakers, development of oil and gas fields, and involvement of the world's largest iron ore reserves of the Kursk Magnetic Anomaly in economic circulation — all these were visible, impressive successes. It might have seemed to outsiders that the USSR was invincible and was not threatened by any crises.
The crisis of the Soviet elite
However, both outside and inside, preparations were under way for the destruction of the socio-political system of Soviet Russia. The government essentially abandoned the Stalinist principle of self-sufficiency of the economy, ensuring the independence of the socialist economy from the capitalist environment. Instead of saturating the domestic market with its products, developing the production of high-quality consumer goods in the country, the authorities began to implant the country's economy on an oil and gas igloo. The more than threefold difference between the prime cost of Soviet oil and its price on the world market made it possible to buy, first of all, household appliances, clothes that meet the needs of the population. But when the OPEC countries, in agreement with the United States, sharply increased the production of “black gold” - its price on the world market fell and was almost equal to the cost price. It was impossible to maintain the level of consumption to which people were accustomed during the years of the so-called “stagnation”.
Consumer psychology was fully implanted in the masses. The West was drawn to the philistine by the consumers' paradise. He was inspired by the idea that the origins of this paradise are rooted in the capitalist mode of production. The worship of foreigners, which they fought during the struggle against cosmopolitanism, again began to be introduced into the mass consciousness.
One of the easiest ways to achieve personal consumption, close to the west, was a career, the path to which usually lay through the Komsomol, and then through party membership. The “clean” questionnaire (“was not, was not, was not involved, I do not have”) served as a sign of trustworthiness for the candidate member of the CPSU and was a substitute for integrity. Such a practice of replenishing the ranks of the “advanced detachment of workers” could not help generating candidates with cynicism, indifference to social ideals and serving the people's interests, and worse, it contributed to the formation of predatory psychology. Most of the current oligarchs occupied at one time prominent Komsomol and party posts.
During the years of the "cold war" in our country, the Western agents unswervingly and consistently prepared the "fifth column", which worked to destroy the socialist system. It was easily recruited by reincarnates from the Soviet party and Komsomol elite.
Nikolai Ivanovich Ryzhkov once rightly observed that the USSR had no other crisis than personnel. Indeed, if, in Stalin's time, high-class professionals were at the head of the ministries, the usual one was staff rotation: he worked for 5-6 for years as a minister - go as director of a large factory; Restored the skills of managing a specific production, and more technically more progressive than the one you worked at before — return to the ministers. But already at the time of Brezhnev, and even more so Gorbachev among the heads of ministries and departments, professionals became rare, the ruling elite was not ready to adequately respond to the challenges of the times.
The example of the program of the so-called "Star Wars" demonstrates this quite convincingly. From abroad, information was thrown in that the United States allegedly created a system of waging wars from near-Earth orbit and for this purpose built space platforms with laser guns. Reagan was bluffing: the United States was unable to implement the SDI program. However, the Ministry of Defense, which was defeated after the provocative flight over our country by Mathias Rust in 1987, did not turn out to be professionals who could expose the American bluff. And the stuffing of misinformation looked convincing: special services were “leaked”, publications on this topic were placed in reputable scientific journals, technical developments were analyzed by specialists. “People in our country began to look for an answer to the question: what can the USSR oppose to the United States? - tells the former first secretary and member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Yury Anatolyevich Prokofiev. - They began to increase weapons of all types: they increased not only the number of missiles, but also ordinary military equipment was produced on an ever-increasing scale - they were preparing for war with America. This required huge expenses. Almost three-quarters of our assets went into heavy engineering, the military-industrial complex, and only one-quarter into the production of consumer goods. In countries that provide a high standard of living for their citizens and maintain defense capabilities, this is the 50 ratio on 50, and for those who are under a protective umbrella from other countries, the ratio is the opposite of what we had: 75 percent of funds for consumer goods and 25 percent - on defense and heavy industry. "
The decline in the living standards of the broad masses was superimposed on a crisis of people's trust in the government. At the same time, the government itself created and stimulated this crisis. Suffice it to recall how she ignored the decision of a popular referendum, when the overwhelming majority of the citizens of the country spoke in favor of preserving the USSR.
The ruling elite artificially created a crisis of confidence in the CPSU, which was the main link of the Soviet state, and a crisis of confidence in the socialist system, of which the party was the guarantor. This made it possible to convince society of the need for reforms, but not those that the country really needed, but meant a radical breakdown of social and economic relations and a return to capitalism in its most primitive, predatory form.
For this, first of all, it was necessary first to weaken, and then destroy the cooperative ties between enterprises and industries that turned the country into a single economic organism. The law on state-owned enterprise, adopted in 1987 and approved by the USSR Supreme Soviet, removed the plants from the subordination of ministries and severed the management vertical in industry. The second edition of the law, adopted in 1990, tore off horizontal ties: business leaders got the right to enter the foreign market. They quickly forgot the Soviet "neighbor" and fell in love with overseas "long-range". Exporting oil, coal, metal, fertilizers for export turned out to be much more profitable than supplying them to the domestic market. The decline of engineering, knowledge-intensive industries, agriculture, the transformation of our country into an energy and raw material appendage of the West goes back to that same law. Russia, the largest and coldest country in the world, still, like decades ago, supplies the whole world with hydrocarbons, and the energy of attempts to modernize and diversify the Russian industry goes into words ...
The USSR still existed, but the CMEA was already dissolved, the Warsaw Pact was terminated. The army was in a particularly humiliated position. Without any compensation, she left military camps, airfields, and factories for the repair of military equipment in Germany and Eastern Europe. At home, the military was sent to tent camps that were set right in the snow in winter. Personnel officers fell under the reduction, became shuttles, racketeers.
The USSR still existed, but America had already carried out Operation Storm in the Desert in Iraq, which marked the beginning of a unipolar world and showed that Russia had abandoned its mission of restraining. The United States was given a free hand - they began to establish a new world order, which is based not on international law, but on the right of the strong. The massacre of Yugoslavia, the seizure of Iraq and the assassination of Saddam Hussein, the destruction of Libya, the ongoing third year attempts to overthrow the legitimate government in Syria ...
After the collapse of the USSR, 25, millions of our compatriots found themselves abroad, often defenseless in the face of Russophobic national elites in the new independent states formed on the ruins of the Union. If, under the socialist system, power restrained not only external but also internal predators, then the restoration of capitalist relations gave rise to new forms of social injustice.
As a result, both the material strength of the country and the spiritual condition of the society were undermined. Here are some numbers.
According to the State Scientific Center for Social Forensic Psychiatry. Serbian, from 1990 to 2010. 800 Thousands of citizens of the Russian Federation committed suicide (for comparison: 1921 to 1954. 643 980 people were sentenced to death for various crimes. - “Pravda”, 21.11.2008). The number of victims of repression did not have a significant impact on the growth of the population of the USSR. In post-Soviet Russia, the number of abortions in the country from year to year exceeds the number of newborns (from 1936 to 1954, abortions were banned in the Soviet Union). Russia came out on top in the world for suicides among teenagers. Demographers warn that if the current trend continues to 2050, the country's population may decrease to 100 million people. The number of alcoholics in the country, called Gennady Onishchenko, exceeds five million people. Especially depressing data on rural areas. For example, in Tver villages today, about 40% of residents are people with chronic alcoholism. Drug addiction, which practically did not exist in Soviet times, is growing catastrophically. According to the Federal Drug Control Service, 8,5 has millions of drug addicts in Russia today.
Today, Russian society in its predominant part is structured according to the postmodern, that is, anti-Christian model. The ideal of a person sacrificing himself, living according to the gospel principle of “more blessed to give than to take,” has largely been replaced by the ideal of a selfish person, a consumer person. For such a society, the ideal is not Christ, but Judas. “It is characteristic that in the 20th century the very image of Judas was not only thoroughly“ washed off ”, but even presented in art as positive in all respects,” noted Orthodox analyst Victor Fomin. “Subtle intellectual reflections on this subject are well known: it suffices to recall Borges’s Three Versions of Judas' Betrayal. “Slave and flatterer,” as Judas call church hymns, charmed the whole world with their sweet words and ringing pieces of silver. With such an ideal, we meet the third millennium. ”
At some stage, Russia — first as an Orthodox kingdom, then as a socialist superpower — was unable to maintain its loyalty to its historical vocation to hold onto world evil — and now this evil is trying to revenge vengefully its rights to power to Russia.
Mysterious property of Russia
Is there a way out of the crisis experienced by Russia, one of the most profound in its history? It is much deeper than the global financial, economic, political, because it has an ontological, existential character. If you follow the Greek translation, a crisis is a court, and their crisis will be able to be justified. In the event of a crisis experienced by Russia - to justify on the court of history. At God's judgment.
The world is waiting with hope from Russia for the fulfillment of its historical purpose - to keep the world's evil. “Russia,” said Alexander Sergeevich Panarin, “has one mysterious feature: to rally the weak against the strong. Russian vocation in the world - to humiliate the strong for his arrogance. Russia has always been strong when she acted in alliance with the weak against the strong. Inside the country, the sovereign was great, who stood for the common people against the boyars. In the international arena, Russia was a world power when it acted in alliance with oppressed peoples against the conquerors and colonialists (A.S. Panarin. “Weak against the strong”. - 3.03.2005 Tribune).
The liberal revolution called for the path of social progress, but, following this path, we eventually found ourselves in front of the barrier. There is no further road - the path turned out to be false. He broke away from reality, lost touch with truth and justice. "Torn days binding thread." If we don’t connect the ends, we don’t connect the present and the past, we have - not only Russia, but all people - there is no future. The time for a health reaction to the painful and already deadly liberal walks has come. Together with Russia, there are peoples who uphold their faith in God and their right to fight for social justice, who do not want to break the traditional family and reject the Sodom sin, seeing themselves as responsible sons of their fatherland, and not isolated particles of cosmopolitan chaos.
In economic terms, Russia has always been somewhat behind, catching up with the most technically advanced countries. This gave reason to accuse her of backwardness and conservatism. Europe did not like us and saw the Russian empire in the role of a world gendarme. Even if we recognize the justice of this reproach (the “gendarme” restrained the revolutionary riots in Europe), we should not forget that during the existence of the Holy Alliance, the main role in which was played by Russia, Europe, tormented by Napoleonic wars, got a much needed respite to it. Once the suppression of the Hungarian uprising 1848-1849's. and the arrival of Russia to the aid of the Austrian Habsburgs caused a storm of indignation and an attack of Russophobia in “progressive Europe”, which prepared the European public for the Eastern War, which was a rehearsal of the First World War. However, today is another time.
“Europe needs Russia. Sooner or later, sooner rather than later, we will need a strategic alliance with Moscow. ” These words were uttered by none other than Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban. The charismatic Hungarian leader took the path of resistance to Western architects of the “new world order”. “In recent months,” writes the historian Peter Iskanderov, “the general vector of the policy of the cabinet of Viktor Orban has become absolutely clear: in defense of national state-political and financial interests, against the dictates of the West.”
The love of freedom is a feature of the Hungarian nation that has been fighting for independence for centuries (it is characteristic that there are practically no ancient castles in this country: they were all blown up by the Austrians as a punishment for the frequent revolts of the Magyars). It is not surprising that in the struggle against the new conquerors the Hungarians turn to Moscow. The attitude towards Russia and in France is changing, where the authorities, ignoring the will of the people, disperse mass demonstrations of protest against the legalization of same-sex cohabitation under the guise of “marriage”. Marine Le Pen, leader of the French National Front, says: “Russia is part of our civilization. We have common roots, a long history of great friendship. We must turn to face Russia. ”
Will Moscow get state wisdom and determination to unite the healthy social forces of different countries, which are objectively allied to it, now, when the unfulfilled struggle around Syria and the threat of Islamist revenge for Pyanj promise new fights not at the far, but at the close approaches to the Russian borders ? If our country is able to do this and will not be an ordinary demonstration of the fact that it "came out of perverted socialism to enter corrupted capitalism" (an expression of the Nobel Prize in literature of Portuguese writer José Saramago), if he remembers his world-historical role of Restraining, - then Russia was provided with the most powerful support of hundreds and hundreds of millions of people on our planet who oppose the onset of world evil.