French column: a verb of motion, not a battering ram

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French column: a verb of motion, not a battering ram


In a common image of the Napoleonic Wars, the French infantryman advances in a dense column, like a living battering ram: he barely fires, moves blindly, and eventually runs into a thin British line, which fires at him point-blank. This image has been passed down from book to book for decades. The paradox is that the army famed for its columns explicitly recognized in its own regulations that the line is superior to fire.



The logic of the system: the charter of 1791


French Infantry Regulations of 1791, officially Règlement concernant l'exercice et les manœuvres de l'infanterie The decree of August 1st set the rules for formation for the revolutionary and Napoleonic armies. It described in detail lines, columns, squares, and open formations. The column here was not the assault battering ram it is often portrayed as, but the workhorse of movement and concentration.

Without going into the details of the regulations, let's summarize the main points: the regulations recognized several types of columns, distinguished by the unit at their core. In a battalion column, units march one after another, each in its own formation. In a company column, the battalion is broken down into smaller units, making such a column easier and quicker to deploy into a line or reform on the move. Finally, the narrowest columns were formed by divisions (each division here being a pair of companies) or by platoons, for particularly tight spaces. The smaller the unit at the core of the column, the narrower its front. Each type had its niche. The regulations explicitly recommended the use of columns in several situations.

  • For passing through defiles - narrow passages, roads between hills, bridges.
  • For movement over rough terrain where the line quickly breaks and loses formation.
  • To attack narrow sections of the front: villages, redoubts, individual fortified points.
  • To facilitate control when the commander needs to quickly turn a unit and move it under fire without being stretched.

The idea behind this is simple: a line shoots better, while a column marches better. A line deploys the front and provides many barrels per unit of length, but is poorly suited to difficult terrain and rapid movements. A column is optimized for movement, compactness, and control, but sacrifices some firepower. Nowhere in the regulations did a column command a frontal attack across an open plain without deploying. On the contrary, it explained in detail how to deploy it into a line before the decisive clash. The column gets the troops to the point, and the line does the firing.


March column and attack column


One of the key features of French practice is the distinction between a march column and an attack column. While this isn't always spelled out in the regulations, in the service, officers perceived different objectives and risks in these formations.

A march column is a highly compressed, compact formation with minimal frontage. Its purpose is to move a unit along a road or trail, quickly cover distances, and maintain command while marching. Battalions march one behind the other, with high density and minimal frontage. This is a formation for movement, not combat. Such a column can quickly move a regiment or brigade without scattering units across the field. The price of compactness is obvious: if such a column suddenly comes under heavy fire, it will be extremely vulnerable, because too many men are concentrated in a small area.

An attack column is a different matter. It's formed with an eye on the upcoming engagement. It's not yet a line, but it's also not just a marching formation. The commanders intended it to remain relatively compact and manageable, yet still be ready to quickly deploy into a line for firefighting or, if the opportunity presented itself, to bring the matter to bayonet point without dispersing. Therefore, the attack column was often formed by battalions, with intervals between them, rather than tightly packed together. The commander had a tight, obedient cluster of battalions at his disposal, which could be turned, deployed, or pushed forward.

For a French officer of the early 19th century, the attack column was valuable precisely for its reversibilityThis isn't a final, dogmatic formation, but a state from which it's easy to transition to a line or a bayonet-on-battle formation. A marching column, on the other hand, is designed for movement and is used in combat as needed, in the event of a sudden encounter, or quickly transformed into something more suitable.


The logic of rapprochement


Modern scholars (for example, Rory Muir in "Tactics and the Experience of Battle in the Age of Napoleon" or Günther Rothenberg) have long shown that French commanders weren't fanatics of the column and understood its limitations in firepower. The division is simple. A line is more effective in a firefight because it provides more muskets facing the enemy. A column is easier to maneuver and approach because it holds formation better and can more easily traverse difficult terrain. Hence the standard approach sequence.

  • Column approach. The regiment or brigade moves forward, taking advantage of folds in the terrain, forest belts, and buildings to reduce the time spent under heavy fire.
  • Support artillery and riflemen. In front of the column and next to it there are tirailleurs — skirmishers in open formation, as well as batteries. Their job is to soften the defense, disrupt the formation, and force the enemy to shoot less efficiently and with greater nervousness.
  • Reorganizing the formation before the decisive moment. The commander either deploys the column into a line and engages in firefighting, or, without wasting time, leads it to bayonet point if he believes the enemy has already been broken.
  • Using columns as reserves. Deep in the formation, a column is easier to turn and throw in the right direction than a long line.

In this context, the column is not contrasted with the line as an "incorrect" formation versus a "correct" one. These are two complementary forms, between which the commander constantly switches. Ideally, the column brings the men to a position, after which they either deploy into a line and open fire, or with a short rush complete a prepared bayonet charge.

When the column becomes an assault column


This doesn't mean that the column never served as a direct assault tool. Campaign regulations and practice allowed for such a scenario, but under specific circumstances. First, a narrow attack front: a village, a redoubt, a bridge, a section of a fortified position. A line cannot be deployed across such a gap, and a column of battalions or companies allows for a dense mass of bayonets to be squeezed into a confined space. Second, a clear superiority in spirit and numbers, when the commander relies on a decisive bayonet charge, without delaying a firefight. Third, the need to break through a localized area, concentrating the attack on a single segment instead of a general firefight along the entire front.

These scenarios align with Napoleon's image as a master of the tactical strike. At the campaign level, he would concentrate his forces into a fist and strike at a key point. At the battle level, the column is the same principle of concentrating masses on a narrow strip. However, the regulations did not mandate the column as an assault formation on open ground, but merely permitted it where it was advantageous. To equate this with the prescription "always attack in column" is to distort the doctrine. This, incidentally, is the main line of debate in historiography. Some authors believe the French deliberately relied on the bayonet charge of columns, while others believe they simply often failed to deploy into a line under the pressure of time and fire. This will be discussed in subsequent materials.

It's easier to see all this in a simplified, yet typical, episode. A French regiment of three battalions receives orders to attack a position in rough terrain: a slope with copses ahead, a road below, and beyond that, an open height occupied by an enemy line. The regiment advances in a column of battalions, with intervals for maneuver; skirmishers are scattered ahead and on the flanks, firing at the enemy and preventing them from accurately firing at the lead companies. The column ascends the slope, partially obscured by the terrain, trees, and cannon smoke.


At the crest, the terrain levels out, and the moment of choice arrives. Beyond lies open space, where the column will be clearly visible and vulnerable. The commander gives the signal to deploy: the lead battalion deploys its companies laterally, so that the previous depth of the column becomes a wide front. The following battalions either repeat the maneuver or remain in compact reserve. The line engages in a firefight, muskets firing volleys, skirmishers working the flanks. If the enemy's fire weakens, the line advances; if the enemy holds firm, the commander reinforces it with a second battalion.

And here a second dilemma arises. If the enemy sinks opposite the lead battalion, the commander can cease fire and engage with bayonets; the line transforms into an attacking formation, while the second battalion, remaining compact, supports the attack or expands the breach. The column here is a means of approaching, the line a means of fighting with fire. Another solution is also possible: not to deploy the lead battalion, but to advance the column to bayonet contact. But this is a conscious choice based on the situation, not a dogma of the regulations.

Сonclusion


The French column of the Napoleonic era was not a mythical battering ram, bound to mindlessly smash into any line. The 1791 regulations and practice saw it primarily as a tool for approach, maneuver, and concentration, suitable for defiles, difficult terrain, and concentrating forces in a narrow sector. Officers understood that a line is stronger under fire, and they made plans accordingly. Only with a narrow front, superior morale and numbers, or the need for a local breakthrough did the column become a fully-fledged assault formation.

But all that is a separate discussion. What remains unexplored is why the columns didn't always have time to deploy: training, lack of time, fire pressure, the psychology of dense formations. A separate topic is the Peninsular War, where the French flexible formation system collided with the British rigid double line and gave rise to one of the most enduring myths in stories tactics. We'll look into that next.
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  1. +3
    2 July 2026 05: 37
    Only with a narrow front, superiority in spirit and numbers, or the need for a local breakthrough, did the column become a full-fledged assault formation.

    And for storming fortresses….
    Thank you Makar, I don’t know about your patronymic.
    I only have time to add one thing: “any plan looks good on the maps at headquarters right up until the first salvo!”
    1. Fat
      +3
      2 July 2026 08: 51
      Quote: Kote pane Kohanka
      Any plan looks good on the maps at headquarters right up until the first salvo!

      "No military plan survives the first contact with the enemy" - these words belong to Helmuth von Moltke.
      Moltke was a devoted student and follower of Carl Clausewitz. He believed that following a pre-determined plan during war was a sure path to defeat. However, he himself was a proponent of detailed military planning in peacetime: he believed in preparing as many plans as possible for various contingencies. Even if none of them are implemented, the planning process allows a military leader to acquire the knowledge, skills, and abilities necessary for rapid decision-making.
      This is probably the reason why a prepared reader does not immediately understand what secret the author wants to show.
      It seems as banal as the words "the Volga flows into the Caspian Sea."
      1. 0
        2 July 2026 22: 19
        He believed that following a pre-determined plan during war was a sure path to defeat. However, he himself was a proponent of detailed military planning in peacetime:

        Well said. But what about at the company level? I got the company to the right heights on time and secured a foothold... But my neighbor didn't show up with his men, and his absence leaves my position vulnerable.
        So, I will remain here with my people, tracing the “direct path to defeat,” while he followed the doctrine of von Moltke....
        1. Fat
          0
          3 July 2026 09: 28
          Just try to familiarize yourself with Moltke's doctrine and his biography. It's on Wikipedia, Zen, and Topvar.
          https://topwar.ru/200640-glavnym-obektom-operacij-dolzhna-javljatsja-ne-territorija-a-armija-protivnika-voennoe-nasledie-helmuta-fon-moltke-starshego.html?ysclid=mr4je38w2866540073
  2. +3
    2 July 2026 10: 07
    For a battalion, in my opinion, the most universal formation for battlefield movement was the "attack column" formation, with two platoons making up a division. From this column, it was easy to reorganize into a line and back, as well as into a square (to repel a cavalry attack) and back again.
    1. +2
      2 July 2026 12: 36
      In Sokolov's book "Napoleon's Army" this topic is covered in sufficient detail with excellent illustrations.
      1. +2
        2 July 2026 12: 41
        So that's where I took these pictures from.
        1. +2
          2 July 2026 13: 48
          No wonder I feel so familiar with them! I'm far from that book now.
    2. +1
      2 July 2026 22: 24
      For a battalion, in my opinion, the most universal way of formation for movement on the battlefield was a “column to attack” subdivision, when two platoons make a division.

      Debatable. You have to sense the atmosphere here. The spirit of this... no, not this.
      Will we be able to maintain control? There was no proper communication. Either you see your sergeants, and they see you, or there's disarray and confusion.
      There's nothing worse than losing control of a battle. At any level.
      1. 0
        3 July 2026 13: 54
        Either you see your sergeants

        Yes, you see, and not just sergeants. A picture of a platoon formation:
  3. 0
    2 July 2026 11: 58
    I don't understand why they didn't think of using metal shields (at least from the knee up) for the front rank. Yes, they were very heavy, but given the weak penetration of the rifles of the time, they could at least have reduced casualties when approaching in column. And, having approached within 20 meters of the enemy, immediately after their volley, they could have responded with their own, dropped their shields, and charged.
    1. +1
      2 July 2026 14: 09
      Rifle fire wasn't particularly effective closer than 100 meters. And before shields could begin to protect against rifle fire, they simply had to be carried for several hundred meters or more under artillery fire (they're heavy, slowing movement, giving the artillery time to fire an additional shot). And if a cannonball hit the shield, not only would it offer no protection, but it could also become an additional element of destruction in a dense formation. Responding with a volley from 20 meters would be unconvincing, since the first rank holds its shields, leaving only the second rank able to fire, and that's not enough. Those behind it can't, as the first and second ranks are blocking their fire. The resulting volley would be very weak. And these are just a couple of the negative aspects. There are many more. In my opinion, the downsides of this idea far outweigh the upsides.
      1. +2
        2 July 2026 14: 45
        I'll add a bit. The cuirass was, to a certain extent, analogous to a shield. But it only really protected against bladed weapons, while seriously constraining the warrior. This is precisely why, by the start of the Revolutionary Wars, virtually all European armies had abandoned cuirasses. Napoleon introduced them for morale reasons, and European armies began to copy the French. However (I don't remember whose memoirs I read; it was a long time ago), one regiment of Napoleon's army, at the very beginning of the war of 1812, abandoned its cuirasses and fought without them. Reason, in that particular regiment, prevailed.
      2. 0
        2 July 2026 23: 00
        They didn't really shoot from guns closer than 100 meters.

        But how far could a grenade from those times be thrown?
        Why did you have to crawl out of your trenches and counterattack in WWII, even to the point of hand-to-hand combat? Because if the enemy got within throwing range, they'd simply kill you with grenades, no matter how hard you hid in your trench.
        But in that era there were grenades... and smoke.
        Let me put it a little alternatively:
        1. The column approaches the line to within 150 meters. The line is still silent – ​​the distance is great.
        2. Grenadiers "give smoke", under its cover, grenadiers No. 2 approach the line, to the throwing distance (6-8 fragmentation grenades).
        3. That's it! The double-row line is broken and we can cut off the flanks.
        P.S. Was the line able to close (by moving or thinning the formation)? What do the regulations say about this?
        1. 0
          3 July 2026 16: 19
          You see, I wrote earlier about 100 meters while I was at work—there wasn't time for a more detailed explanation or the correct expression. That's the distance at which they were actually firing (both sides were firing). This doesn't prevent you from starting earlier if necessary. And even from 600 meters. But at that distance, hitting a target back then was pure chance. Textbooks of the time considered 200-230 meters the appropriate range to begin shooting. At the same time, in real-world conditions, there are plenty of reasons why they fired closer to 100 meters. At that distance, results were already achieved. For example, here's a point. Black powder fouled the barrel heavily, and after 60-65 shots, the gun had to be cleaned. And that's a hassle in combat. I came across the memoirs of a participant in the Battle of Marengo somewhere. He was in Chamberlak's division (they suffered the most there). They'd fired all their rounds (they usually had about 50), but then Napoleon arrived with the Consular Guard. The guardsmen ran up with bags of ammunition and started handing out bullets. They were able to fire, but soon the barrels were so caked with so much carbon that the bullets wouldn't fit. The soldiers urinated in their guns to clean them. What I'm getting at is that if you start shooting too early, and the distance between shots is low, you can run into similar problems later, even before the enemy gets there.
          Regarding your alternative, shots even back then created a fair amount of smoke. Fragmentation grenades weren't available back then. Those available on the battlefield weren't used. Only against fortifications and fortresses. From Wikipedia:
          As linear tactics developed, grenades lost their significance in field combat and by the mid-18th century were removed from field armies' arsenals, with grenadiers becoming a select infantry arm. Grenades remained in service only with fortress garrisons and the navy.

          Furthermore, your alternative contradicts the regulations. I posted a picture above of the line being reformed into a column for an attack. In the line, a platoon of grenadiers (when forming into battle formation, each company was called a "platoon" (peloton); two adjacent platoons were called a "division") was positioned on the right flank, shown as #1 in the picture. When reforming into a column, it moved to the rear of the line. From there, grenades could only be thrown at friendly forces.
    2. +1
      2 July 2026 18: 49
      "they didn't think of using metal shields"
      Back then, there was no armor steel that, despite its relatively thin thickness, could withstand a bullet, even from a smoothbore weapon. A regular iron plate would have had to be used. And it would be very heavy. And not only would it have to be carried a kilometer in battle, it would also have to be delivered to the battlefield. Naturally, by horse-drawn cart. Basically, one problem would lead to many others.
      I think such a sheet would weigh about 50 kilograms. Take a bag of cement and walk it across the field. Your questions will disappear immediately.
    3. +1
      2 July 2026 22: 40
      I don't understand why they didn't think of using metal shields (at least from the knee up) for the front rank. Yes, they were very heavy, but given the weak penetration of the rifles of the time, they could at least have reduced casualties when approaching in column. And, having approached within 20 meters of the enemy, immediately after their volley, they could have responded with their own, dropped their shields, and charged.

      How do police special forces operate today? In the same mini-column. A shield-carrying unit (a fairly complex device) leads the way, and the assault team takes cover behind it. Firing is over the shoulder of the person in front. Tactile contact is maintained (left hand on the shoulder of the person in front).
      For example, I'm a decent left-hander. That means my place (on the armor and in the column) is in the front—on the right. I'll always turn right—biomechanics, dammit!
  4. 0
    2 July 2026 15: 56
    Some authors believe that the French deliberately relied on bayonet attacks from columns, while others believe that they simply often did not have time to deploy into a line under the pressure of time and fire.

    The preference for a column attack may have a simple reason: a shortage of ammunition or a lower rate of fire than the enemy. I wonder how this worked in Napoleon's army? In theory, a massed army requires greater supplies, and the training of its soldiers may be inferior to that of a smaller, but better-trained enemy. And training should influence the rate of fire.
  5. +1
    3 July 2026 01: 34
    The article is probably all right, but one thing is missing: how was it actually carried out? It would be good to read some memoirs. I myself don't recall any descriptions of this particular aspect: what formation they marched in, how they attacked, etc.
    One might assume the question is far-fetched. Intuitively, everything (the military) understood. But the idea arose that advanced social forms give rise to new, equally advanced methods of struggle... Mass military conscription. Mercenaries were paid handsomely, but fighting for the glory of the nation was a different matter. And these columns appear as a symbol of the liberated masses. How they march into battle shoulder to shoulder... "To hear each other's hearts."
    Whereas the reactionary Prussians, for example, have drill, rod discipline and linear tactics.
    Or take the loose formation and the rangers—also a clear product of social change. Only the liberation of the individual produces a soldier capable of acting independently, demonstrating initiative and personal courage. For example, in feudal Russia, with its notorious collectivism, where would skirmishers come from?
    This kind of demagoguery was part of historical scholarship, but what really happened then? A new branch of the military did indeed emerge as a result of the French Revolution, and it was the gendarmerie. The military police. This is the vector of progress.
    1. +1
      4 July 2026 10: 58
      «Хорошо бы почитать какие-нибудь мемуары» - нет проблем. В издательстве КЛИО выходит серия мемуаров французских офицеров посвященных этому периоду, вышло минимум 7 книг. Кроме того издавались мемуары Марбо, Денона (Египетская экспедиция), очень хорошие тексты авторов в альбомах Адама и Фабер дю Фора. Изданы мемуары Левенштерна, Дуровой, Давыдова, Ермолова. Это по памяти на вскидку, в реальности много более.
      1. 0
        4 July 2026 15: 16
        I know about the existence of memoir literature, and that's what I'm writing about. I have no doubt that the author of this article knows about it too. His article would be greatly enhanced by examples of the practical application of the 1791 regulations, taken from memoirs or other documents. Especially in the first five years after its introduction... Because it's unclear what the French column actually was on the battlefield... There's theory, there are historians' opinions. That's not enough to understand.
  6. -1
    3 July 2026 09: 27
    The French had a lot to learn from: Suvorov's troops, having crossed the Saint Gotthard without artillery and most of their supplies, and for whom the French had prepared a fate of defeat and capture, made the only correct decision: they attacked in a column with a bayonet charge, routed the French, took a thousand prisoners (!), tore off Masséna's shoulder strap and descended into the valley, where, unfortunately, the Rimsky-Korsakov corps, with which they were sent to join, was no longer in existence.
    This shocked the minds of all Europeans, including a certain Karl Marx, who cites our "Old Soldier Who Pierced the Alps with His Bayonet" as an example of the "terrible barbarians looming over freedom-loving Europe."
    1. +1
      3 July 2026 17: 34
      Everything mixed up in the Oblonsky house. laughing
      Suvorov actually learned of Rimsky-Korsakov's defeat while in the village of Muotathal, even before Masséna advanced on him. Upon learning this, he decided to flee and began to retreat east. Masséna pursued, even attempting to encircle him, but got carried away and was ambushed in the Mutensk Valley. There, he was counterattacked and suffered losses. He retreated. The "torn shoulder strap"—there's a legend about a torn "golden epaulette"—specifically, an epaulette. However, there's a problem with this: epaulettes weren't worn by French generals until about four years after this battle.
      After this, Masséna went on the defensive, awaiting the Russian-Austrian offensive, for which they feigned preparation quite successfully. Having thus confused the French, Suvorov retreated. Masséna belatedly discovered this ruse and began pursuit. But after abandoning over a thousand wounded "to the mercy of the French" and losing a good thousand captured in rearguard actions, Suvorov managed to evade pursuit.
      This is, if briefly.
      1. 0
        3 July 2026 18: 40
        I realized that Suvorov had lost again. He didn't promote the grenadier who had torn off Masséna's shoulder strap (not an epaulette! I'd never heard of an epaulette, and was it even possible to judge its personal affiliation by an epaulette?), and he didn't offer the offended captain a colonel's commission if he brought back a second shoulder strap. Suvorov, in fact, never existed; he was invented by the Russians and Austrians.
        And Masséna, in an advantageous position, suffered such a counterattack (!?) that he "went on the defensive," leaving a thousand Frenchmen in Suvorov's custody. Probably so they could fleece him.
        1. +1
          3 July 2026 21: 05
          At least study the uniforms of Republican generals of that time—they have no shoulder straps or epaulettes. Watch less fairy tales and read less. Come on, where did Masséna hold advantageous positions? I no longer understand what battle you're talking about. I'm already wondering where this nonsense will lead. Where exactly did Masséna hold advantageous positions? Below is a painting of Masséna, his portrait in the uniform of that time, and a portrait of General Lecourbe, who defended the Alpine passes. Where are the shoulder straps?
          1. 0
            3 July 2026 21: 42
            Study who prepared whose entourage in the Mutensk Valley and the balance of power.
            Yes, Suvorov didn't win the war for Helvetia, and couldn't have done so. He was focused on strengthening his forces. Although after victories in Italy, the road to Paris was open for his troops, which he expected from his crowned allies. But the Austrians decided to play their game this way.
            The French were very displeased with the tactic of attacking Suvorov's vanguard columns, as well as the active flanking fire of the elusive Cossacks. He also brought back some 1400 French prisoners from the campaign.
            1. 0
              3 July 2026 22: 56
              Quote: faterdom
              Study who prepared whose entourage in the Mutensk Valley and the balance of power.

              Это я прекрасно знаю и писал выше в первом ответе на ваш , что "Массена даже пытался окружить". Открутите и убедитесь.
              Your quote:
              И контратаку (!?) находящийся на выгодных позициях Массена схлопотал такую, что "перешел к обороне"

              Описание сражения в Мутенской долине, не люблю википедию, но так быстрее чем рыться в куче лекций и статей, поэтому из вики:
              На следующий день Массена, в свою очередь, решил нанести решающий удар, в котором предполагал задействовать все имевшиеся у него силы — около 15 тысяч человек[К 4]. 20 сентября французы, выставив впереди густую стрелковую цепь, повели наступление тремя колоннами по обоим берегам реки Муота. Между передовыми частями русских и французских войск началась перестрелка. Русские части стали отступать. За ними двинулась главная масса французских войск. Неожиданно для французов Милорадович развел передовой отряд в обе стороны по склонам и французские колонны очутились перед главными силами Розенберга, укрытыми в виноградниках по всей ширине долины. Русские войска были построены в две трёхшереножные линии, на расстоянии около 300 метров друг от друга, с кавалерией на флангах.

              Я всё не цитирую, далее сами можете зайти на вики и прочитать, что до того наступавшие французы остановились, русские войска атаковали. Атака на до того наступавшего и остановленного противника и есть контратака, если Вы этого не знаете.
              Как я и писал, наступавший Массена попал в засаду (скрытые в виноградниках главные силы Розенберга). Так вот где он здесь находился на выгодных позициях, про которые Вы писали? Хотелось бы дождаться внятного ответа, а не общих фраз.
  7. 0
    4 July 2026 15: 25
    Quote: Vagabung
    At least study the uniforms of Republican generals of that time—they have no shoulder straps or epaulettes. Watch less fairy tales and read less. Come on, where did Masséna hold advantageous positions? I no longer understand what battle you're talking about. I'm already wondering where this nonsense will lead. Where exactly did Masséna hold advantageous positions? Below is a painting of Masséna, his portrait in the uniform of that time, and a portrait of General Lecourbe, who defended the Alpine passes. Where are the shoulder straps?

    This is an official portrait. The general could have been dressed outside of uniform.
    Remember how D. Davydov compared the appearance of Murat and Miloradovich?
    The times are different! I agree! However, how do we know what Massena looked like on the battlefield?
    He's known as a thief, perhaps he lost some trinket during his hasty retreat. Our men picked it up and said it was an epaulette. And why not? How would our men know what a Republican army epaulette looks like? Especially if there aren't any.
    1. 0
      5 July 2026 23: 09
      Эполеты в то время носили офицеры, которые по чину ниже. Массена решил изобразить из себя капитана? Мюрат, так тот вообще непонятно во что одевался, он бы Киркорову фору дал.
      Вообще вся эта история началась в мемуарах "Рассказы старого воина" одного из участников Швейцарского похода унтер-офицера Старкова, были анонимно опубликованы в журнале «Москвитянин» в 1842 г. Там много ошибок, многое написано со слухов. Мол, гренадёр Махотин оторвал эполет у Массена. Но больше никто, в том числе сам Суворов об этом не упоминает. Всё таки событие, командущий армией противника чуть в плен не попал. Суворов указывал, точно не помню, кажется в письме Ушакову, о количестве взятых пленных. А про чуть не взятого в плен Массена - ни слова. И нет подтверждения о присвоении Махотину офицерского звания (в смысле документов, приказов не найдено).