How deep strikes in the northwest are organized and how defense against them is handled

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How deep strikes in the northwest are organized and how defense against them is handled


The northwest of Russia, long considered a deep rear, has fallen within the range of Ukrainian long-range dronesAccording to reports, approximately 1700 drones were sent toward Russian territory in a week between May and June, with an estimated interception rate of approximately 96%. These figures are estimates, not reliably verified in open sources, and are used here as an illustration of the scale, not as established fact. The analysis is conducted from one side of the scope, from the defender's perspective, while the enemy is described as an entity with its own rational logic. More important than the numbers themselves is the background behind this flow, how it is structured, and why a high downing rate doesn't solve the problem. Next comes an analysis of the mechanics: where they launch, what routes they take, and what the defense is up against.



Where are they hitting from: what we know and what we don't know


When they say "the drone launched from such-and-such an area," it's important to remember how exactly this is determined. Direct observation of the launch pad is usually not available. The launch area is reconstructed based on indirect evidence: the time of approach to a known point, the azimuth, the sound of the flight, and the location of the debris impact. This is always a reconstruction with a tolerance, so it's more accurate to say not "they launched from such-and-such a location," but "most likely from such-and-such a location."

With this caveat, the picture looks like this. According to the OSINT community (open source intelligence), long-range drones flying northwest are most often associated with the northern and central regions of Ukraine: Kyiv (Boryspil area), Chernihiv (Nizhyn, Berezna), Sumy (Konotop), and Poltava. The logic behind this choice is clear. The closer the launch is to the target, the lower the fuel requirements and the higher the chance that the drone will reach the Leningrad region rather than crash mid-route. The estimated range of individual drones drones 1000–1500 kilometers makes such a flight from northern Ukraine possible.

The second argument is the terrain. The dense road network and forested areas are convenient for mobile launchers: an aircraft-type drone launches from a catapult or a short stretch of road, after which the crew departs. The attacker's plan leaves no fixed launch site that can be breached and covered. This creates the main difficulty for the defense: they have to search not for a point on the map, but for a constantly shifting network.

Separate story - ground winged missilesThe Ukrainian side has the expertise: the Neptune (R-360) anti-ship missile system and its adaptation for ground targets demonstrate that they are capable of producing a subsonic, low-flying missile. However, the "Flamingo" index, which appears online, is not clearly linked to a specific product, and the claimed range fluctuates between 300 and over 1000 kilometers. This is still an OSINT community phenomenon, not a confirmed system, and it is premature to factor its parameters into threat analysis.

Theories about launches "from the Baltics" or from other NATO countries are assessed by the same criterion: what is supported by actual data and what is not. An official launch of strike weapons from the territory of an alliance country would mean its direct involvement in strikes against Russia and a sharp increase in the risk of direct conflict—something NATO is not willing to accept. Covert sites operating without the authorities' knowledge are subject to sophisticated counterintelligence. Sabotage groups within Russia are capable of isolated incidents, but they do not provide what is needed for systematic attacks: production facilities, warehouses, and logistics. The most reliable conclusion is a launch from Ukrainian territory.

How they fly: low altitude, foreign skies, and communication over water


Understanding the route is easier if you imagine what the radar crew sees. A target flying at an altitude of 30–150 meters, below factory chimneys and masts, is hidden by the curvature of the earth and the terrain until the very end. The radar detects it at a much shorter range than at high altitude, leaving little time to react. The low altitude here isn't a ploy for effect: it's the foundation of the entire breakthrough.

According to May data (I should point out that this is a snapshot of one month; the picture could have shifted by summer), the routes were built around the same idea: staying below the radar horizon. The main corridor ran along the border with Belarus and the Baltic states. At the border itself, defenses are tied: any active action violates the other's airspace. Alternate corridors were laid through the Smolensk and Novgorod regions and along the edge of Moscow's zone of responsibility. Defense, so saturated that they try to avoid entering it. The principle is the same everywhere: traverse dense zones along the minimum length and probe the joints between the areas of responsibility of different units.

As they approach the Leningrad Region, some of the drones turn toward targets in the Gulf of Finland. Here, the control channel becomes crucial. Ground-based radio corrections (course corrections via ground-based radio stations) are quickly lost over water and sparsely populated areas: there are no such stations, and the signal extends beyond the radio horizon. A satellite system like Starlink provides a stable control and correction channel in these conditions: it allows for control and course corrections from a distance. Hence the desire to deploy drones onto water, where the defender also has a smaller, more continuous radar field.

The story about "launches from the Baltics" is also related. A drone approaching its target via the sea route could violate the airspace of third countries. This is likely part of the route, and the launch site remains in Ukraine, but any drone spotted over Baltic or Finnish territory inevitably turns into a headline about "launches from NATO territory." The route and launch point are regularly confused here.

The Economics of Raiding: Blanks, Expensive Missiles, and Defense Saturation


At night, the air defense crew sees a blip on the screen. Whether it's a combat aircraft or an empty hull without a warhead—the blip doesn't tell you. It can't be missed: what if this one is carrying the warhead? So, they're hitting everything in sight. And if they have to hit everything, that means expensive resources are being spent on cheap hulls. From this simple "what if this one is the one" emerges the entire economics of the airstrike: the rest is pure arithmetic.

According to military analysts (it's difficult to find an exact attribution in open sources), up to 60% of the first wave could be "dummy" vehicles—cheap vehicles without warheads. Their purpose isn't to hit a target, but to drain the defense's resources: missiles, attention, and calculation time. Once the first wave has exhausted its resources in a given direction, the second, with a larger proportion of combat vehicles, advances on the already depleted sector. Such defenses aren't assaulted with force; they're overwhelmed by sheer numbers.

Then comes the cost calculation, and it's awkward. An attack drone costs anywhere from tens of thousands to approximately one hundred thousand dollars: the price of a car. A medium- and long-range anti-aircraft missile is comparable in price or more expensive. And the target (an oil refinery, a substation, a port) costs hundreds of millions or billions of dollars. The attacker spends one unit, the defender several, and so on with each approach. Even a few percent of a breakthrough from a flow of almost two thousand vehicles adds up to dozens of successful drones, and one is enough for a fuel tank or a transformer.

The logic of saturating the defense with a mass of targets is not new. The Soviet air defense system was built precisely against massive air raids: echeloning lines, distributing targets by altitude and threat level, so that long-range systems wouldn't be distracted by secondary concerns. The mechanics of the similarity are straightforward: they're trying to overwhelm the defense with numbers, and the answer is sought in echeloning. But the analogy has its limits, and they're crucial. Back then, the launch vehicle was also expensive: a bomber and its crew cost incomparably more than an anti-aircraft missile, and the tradeoff favored the defense. The system itself remained the same, but the economics changed: now the threat became cheap, and the interception expensive, and the whole tradeoff shifted in the opposite direction.

Now, let's talk about what's wrong on our side. The expenditure of expensive missiles on "dummy" targets puts a disproportionate strain on reserves and the budget compared to the results achieved. Low-altitude areas aren't covered everywhere: there's no continuous detection field at 30-150 meters along the entire route depth. And a defense tied to a familiar route map loses momentum as soon as the enemy shifts the corridor. As long as the flow is predictable, a static line holds up. As soon as the enemy shifts the corridor, the line is no longer where it needs to be.

Defense as a system: reduce the cost of interception, echelon the borders, get a launcher


Intercepting the target at the very moment is combating the symptom. Threat mitigation must be addressed earlier and more deeply, from the launch site to the target.

It's worth starting with echeloning, where targets are separated by cost. It makes sense to keep large systems, like the S-300 and S-400, on truly dangerous targets, while covering the immediate area around the facilities with something cheaper to fire: anti-aircraft guns. artillery, heavy machine guns, portable air defense systems (MANPADS), and specialized anti-drone weapons. The idea is simple: don't waste a missile at the cost of a car's hull without a warhead.

Next up is electronic warfare (EW), that is, jamming navigation and control channels. It doesn't destroy the aircraft, but rather throws it off course or disrupts communications by creating jamming zones over targets and approach directions. There is also a significant limitation: a drone with stable inertial navigation, not rigidly tied to a satellite signal, passes through such a zone with less course loss. Therefore, electronic warfare and firepower work in tandem, not in place of each other.

And the third line, without which the first two are useless, is reconnaissance and strikes on missile launch sites. You can shoot down missiles at the target itself as much as you like, but as long as the launch sites and factories are intact, the flow will simply resume. A systematic search for launch sites, warehouses, and logistics in the middle rear can reduce the threat itself. There are two caveats here. The network is distributed: there simply isn't a single "center" that can be hit once and solve the problem. And some nodes are dual-use, and striking them entails risks to civilian infrastructure and requires precision, not mass fire.

All these lines are united by one quality: mobility. A change in route is met not by a rigid barrier, but by a defense that can quickly be reconfigured to a new direction. If you line everything up in order, from radar to launch pad strike, it looks like this:

  • low-altitude detection – short-range radars, optics, acoustics;
  • close-range interception with cheap means – artillery, machine guns, MANPADS;
  • Electronic warfare – disruption of navigation and control over objects and on approach;
  • reconnaissance and strikes against launchers and logistics behind enemy lines.

All of this only works together. And only as long as it can reorganize faster than the enemy, otherwise it would bypass any line separately.

A 100% interception rate is unattainable—that's the reality, not a reason to panic. The objective is formulated in three directions: reducing interception costs, depriving the adversary of route predictability, and retrieving the launcher before it's used up.
42 comments
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  1. +2
    17 June 2026 04: 56
    More important than the numbers themselves is what lies behind this flow, how it is built, and why a high percentage of downed vehicles does not solve the problem.

    The main thing is the rate of growth of this flow!
    1. +6
      17 June 2026 05: 05
      But as long as the launch sites and factories are intact, the flow will simply resume. A systematic search for launch sites, warehouses, and logistics in the middle rear can reduce the threat itself. There are two caveats here. The network is distributed: there simply isn't a single "center" that can be hit once and resolve the issue. And some nodes are dual-use, and a strike on them poses risks to civilian infrastructure and requires precision, not mass fire.

      What if we shut down the power throughout Ukraine? Knock out those notorious 750 kV substations. Without power, production won't ramp up much...
      1. +8
        17 June 2026 05: 46
        It's better to burn down the western and southwestern regions; all supplies go through them, and there's no one to spare there, only monsters. Unfortunately, it's technically very difficult.
        1. +1
          17 June 2026 06: 19
          Quote: Good
          It's better to burn out the western and southwestern regions, all supplies go through them

          Not all, the lion's share goes through the Odessa port...
      2. + 10
        17 June 2026 06: 03
        Quote from: AllX_VahhaB
        Without energy, production cannot expand significantly.

        Assembling a system from ready-made components, which come in a steady stream from the West, doesn't require much energy. It can be done literally in any garage or the basement of a high-rise apartment building.
        Western Ukraine's logistics must be destroyed. But this could damage Ukrainian statehood itself, which Putin promised Israel and the United States to preserve. Hence the long pauses, the formal, cliched phrases, the forced smiles during the VGK's interactions with the SVO participants. It was embarrassing to watch. A vast and extremely wealthy state with such a spineless leader, trying to please everyone and sell everything he can.
        1. -1
          17 June 2026 06: 28
          Quote: Vitaly_pvo
          in any garage or basement of a multi-story residential building.

          At least the light should be on there. Even if it's from diesel fuel, it's + gasoline or diesel...
          Quote: Vitaly_pvo
          But this could damage Ukrainian statehood itself, which Putin promised Israel and the United States to preserve.

          When and where did he promise this? Can I see it? Because there's nothing else but:
          "And it has nothing to do with whether it's in our interests. It's most likely in the interests of Ukraine and the Ukrainian state—the preservation of Ukrainian statehood. And we have nothing against that either."
          "Russia is not opposed to preserving Ukraine's statehood. It's important to us that Ukrainian territory not be used to threaten Moscow."
          I haven't met anyone. But it's hard to call this a promise to the US and Israel ( wassat )
          Quote: Vitaly_pvo
          It was embarrassing to watch. A huge and extremely wealthy state with such a spineless leader, trying to please everyone and sell everything he could.

          Whose mill are you pouring grist on? Whose are you? bully
          1. +5
            17 June 2026 06: 34
            Quote from: AllX_VahhaB
            Whose mill are you pouring grist on?

            I'm throwing water on the single voting day on September 20th in the stupid hope that there will be fewer sick people in white gloves.
            1. -1
              17 June 2026 07: 13
              Quote: Vitaly_pvo
              I'm throwing water on the single voting day on September 20th in the stupid hope that there will be fewer sick people in white gloves.

              Who are you planning to vote for?
              1. +3
                17 June 2026 14: 56
                Quote from: AllX_VahhaB
                Who are you planning to vote for?

                For anyone, but not for the freaks who protect the Kyiv authorities and the most expired drug addict much better than their own people.
              2. +3
                18 June 2026 16: 54
                Quote from: AllX_VahhaB
                Who are you planning to vote for?

                I would vote for Strelkov/Girkin, but... And so for the Communists.
            2. +1
              18 June 2026 21: 24
              "The hopes of youth are nourished!" Your hopes are in vain; this is called a "system." And this "system" is leading us to disaster.
          2. -1
            18 June 2026 16: 54
            Quote from: AllX_VahhaB
            Whose mill are you pouring grist on? Whose are you?

            Whose are you? And whose mill are you grist for?
          3. 0
            14 July 2026 09: 53
            What kind of mill is this? It's to the point. Or do you think this fifth year of ordeal is because of our soldiers and officers? Of course not. There are no orders from above to destroy the Ukrainian military machine.
        2. +4
          17 June 2026 13: 43
          A huge and extremely rich state and such a spineless leader, trying to please everyone and sell everything he can.
          Why everyone!? Whoever needs it gets to do the talking! There are even Russian citizens on this list, not many, but they're there. It's all a matter of money here, kids there, but they still want to live. Without the Russian Federation, there won't be any money or kids. If their partners suddenly deprive them of their money and kids, then maybe they'll stop drawing the "red lines" and go for it. So they're eating it piece by piece, like an elephant. Soon, only a skeleton will remain, but they're still trying to negotiate with the hyenas who've almost finished all the "meat."
          1. +2
            18 June 2026 16: 47
            Quote: AKuzenka
            Those who need to, do the talking! There are even Russian citizens on this list, not many, but they're there. It's all a matter of money here, kids there, but they still want to live. Without the Russian Federation, there won't be any money or kids. If their partners suddenly deprive them of their money and kids, then maybe they'll stop drawing the "red lines" and go for it. So they're eating it piece by piece, like an elephant. Soon, only a skeleton will remain, but they're still trying to negotiate with the hyenas who've almost finished all the "meat."

            Very accurately and succinctly stated! hi
            And something tells me that to seriously intimidate the Europoids, our elites simply need to arrange a very rapid relocation of all their relatives and assets from there to here. In that case, I think they'll screw up big time and immediately resort to a deal.
  2. KCA
    0
    17 June 2026 05: 15
    What competencies do they have? Use the documentation for the Kh-35, developed by the Russian KBM, and the documentation they obtained during the "peace, friendship, and chewing gum" era? Use it to create a pathetic imitation of the "Bal"?
  3. 0
    17 June 2026 05: 40
    And it's possible to disguise a truck as a launcher! As a sea container!
  4. +4
    17 June 2026 05: 51
    "As they approach the Leningrad Region, some of the drones turn toward targets in the Gulf of Finland." But Ukraine has no access to the Gulf of Finland. This means that, in any case, drones launched from Ukraine enter the airspace of another country (most likely Poland). The Baltic states shouldn't be discounted. If NATO barks its approval, permission to launch drones from their territory will be granted immediately. Another option is to launch drones from sea vessels in the Gulf of Finland.
    1. +4
      17 June 2026 07: 44
      Quote: papas-57
      Ukraine has no access to the Gulf of Finland. This means that drones launched from Ukraine will enter the airspace of another country.

      Gotta leastIn response, they would launch their UAVs and cruise missiles along the same route. If it's acceptable for the Baltics and Poland to have Ukrainian UAVs flying through them to the Leningrad region, then let them observe our return flight as well.
    2. -1
      18 June 2026 16: 46
      Quote: papas-57
      But Ukraine has no access to the Gulf of Finland. This means that, in any case, drones launched from Ukraine would enter the airspace of another country (most likely Poland). The Baltic states shouldn't be discounted.

      The article states that they are going along the borders of NATO countries, Poland and the Baltic states.

      Quote: papas-57
      If NATO barks, permission to launch drones from their territory will be immediately granted.

      They'll be happy to let you use it without a rafka, both for launch and for flight.
      Quote: papas-57
      Another option is to launch drones from sea vessels in the Gulf of Finland.

      Yes, quite.
  5. +1
    17 June 2026 05: 57
    You can shoot down as many people as you want at the target itself.

    If only... Missiles and money will run out much sooner than drones.
  6. +6
    17 June 2026 06: 16
    low-altitude detection – short-range radars, optics, acoustics;
    close-range interception with cheap means – artillery, machine guns, MANPADS;
    Electronic warfare – disruption of navigation and control over objects and on approach;
    reconnaissance and strikes against launchers and logistics behind enemy lines.

    A classic example of war with banana states. Unfortunately, Ukraine, fully supported by NATO since 2014, has become a thoroughly modern and fairly well-armed country. Despite theft and corruption, eight years of militarization and five years of war experience have produced unpleasant results for Russia, and classic air defense systems are no longer effective. New technical and organizational solutions are needed.
    1. +1
      17 June 2026 20: 08
      Quote: scientist
      New technical and organizational solutions are needed.

      Another option is a chain of observation balloons along the Belarusian border. If they fail to track their route and transmit targeting information in advance, there will be clear evidence that they are not flying along the border, in neutral territory, but using the airspace of Poland and the Baltic states. The destruction of these balloons would risk opening a second front.
      1. +1
        18 June 2026 09: 36
        Quote from cpls22
        a chain of observation balloons along the border of the Republic of Belarus

        Inflating a balloon and attaching a small phased array antenna to it isn't a problem. The real challenge with these aerostats is the cable that must support the aerostat and power the radar. The cable must be lightweight, durable, and ensure minimal energy and signal loss over at least 1000 meters. This technology was developed in the USSR, but was abandoned during the time of the marked man, despite Rust's landing on Red Square. Now, even the US considers such technology unnecessarily expensive.
        1. 0
          18 June 2026 13: 25
          You could try a "budget" option: microphones instead of phased arrays, and fiber optics for the primary connection. For the power supply itself, a thin wire like MGTF would be suitable—it's inexpensive. Strength is an issue, but I don't think they've learned to produce carbon fiber in decent quantities by now, have they?
  7. +2
    17 June 2026 06: 17
    Thank you, I enjoyed the article about the state of air defense in the west of the country. It also analyzed the Ukrainian Armed Forces' attacks on the Leningrad Region. And the proposed defense system. Fundamentally, the Navy should be responsible for the Leningrad Region's air defense (as, incidentally, it is for Sevastopol). Why? The Russian Navy's General Staff is in St. Petersburg. The Commander-in-Chief of the Navy is located there. And the Navy's most important bases, Kronstadt and Kaliningrad, are nearby. I hope the Navy's best military minds are concentrated there. And they can find a solution to the air threat.
    Another issue is the restoration of air defense as a branch of the armed forces. This is crucial for the country's defense. Another issue is increasing the number of air defense systems capable of destroying low-flying targets. I already wrote in a comment that, according to open sources, we have 1120 such air defense systems in the entire country. But we need ten times more if we want to live under safe skies. And there's no shame in purchasing such air defense systems from our allies to save our population, even if we can't quickly produce them ourselves.
    If we don't have foot agents in Ukraine to determine UAV launch points, then we need to strike the launch network square by square. Ukraine's territory is 1000 by 500 km, which is less than the distance between cities in Siberia. hi soldier
    1. +9
      17 June 2026 06: 29
      Quote: V.
      The navy should be responsible for the air defense of the Leningrad region

      Even after deployment, the fleet can barely ensure its own survivability against air defense systems. I'll let you in on a secret: the fleet's air defense system, which relies on the combat information and control system, still doesn't automatically interact with the country's air defense system. The protocols and databases simply don't match, and the developers are different and refuse to share their intellectual property. This means there's no way to obtain intelligence. Worst of all, there's no access to the air traffic control system, meaning the fleet's air defense system can't determine whether a target is friendly, hostile, or neutral. Friendly targets are identified only by the presence of a signal from the guaranteed identification system, which is only installed on combat aircraft, and not on all of them, and it's easily jammed, as its frequencies are fixed.
      1. +2
        17 June 2026 10: 56
        These are the kind of people who should be removed and brought to justice. How is that possible? Any deployed frigate could have provided automated downing information, and could have destroyed a quarter to a half of them right there. Why aren't they there, and why are they doing nothing?
        1. +1
          17 June 2026 22: 11
          These are the kind of people who should be removed and put on trial.
          In reality, it turns out that there is no one to judge - two closed design bureaus with a secrecy level of up to XXXX.. (a-y-y-y-y-y).
          Well, you get the point.

          To the comment below - fiber optic channel as a communication line
      2. +1
        17 June 2026 22: 06
        The protocols and databases simply don't match, with different developers refusing to share their intellectual property.
        Let these two developers "write" an interprotocol interface with hardware encryption and remember to debug errors, so they don't just "fuck off," but do it properly. The same goes for access to the dispatch control system: an encryption adapter on one side, an encryption adapter on the other, and a secure communication channel with a time-based encryption algorithm and synchronization. IMHO.
  8. 0
    17 June 2026 09: 45
    It's clear that we need to constantly consider strengthening civil defense and enhancing counter-UAV capabilities. Brainstorming is helpful.
  9. 0
    17 June 2026 11: 17
    Intercepting the target at the very moment is combating the symptom. Threat mitigation must be addressed earlier and more deeply, from the launch site to the target.
    And the task is formulated in three directions at once: to reduce the cost of interception, to deprive the enemy of predictability of routes, and to get to the launcher before it works.

    Isn't it an option to target production and planning areas?
  10. +1
    17 June 2026 12: 32
    Almost a third of deliveries go through the Odessa port.
  11. 0
    17 June 2026 12: 34
    The logic of saturating the defense with a mass of targets is not new. The Soviet air defense system was built precisely against massive air raids: echeloning lines, distributing targets by altitude and threat level, so that long-range systems wouldn't be distracted by secondary concerns. The mechanics of the similarity are straightforward: they try to overwhelm the defense with numbers, and the answer is sought in echeloning. But the analogy has its limits, and they are crucial. Back then, the launch vehicle was also expensive: a bomber and its crew cost incomparably more than an anti-aircraft missile, and the tradeoff favored the defense.

    By the 80s, with the advent of decoys and the first UAVs, the trade-off was no longer so advantageous. The classic air defense penetration strategy of that time is similar to today's: the front line consisted of reconnaissance UAVs, a swarm of decoys, and air defense suppression aircraft. The first and second would penetrate the air defense system and expend SAMs on themselves, while the third would launch anti-aircraft missile strikes against the exposed radar positions. Some used ground-based anti-aircraft missile systems instead of aircraft.
  12. +1
    17 June 2026 15: 27
    This is the latest article I've read about "blanks without warheads." Compared to the airframe and the control/navigation system, explosives are worthless! Why repeat other people's stupidity?
    1. +1
      17 June 2026 15: 44
      Quote: acetophenon
      This is the article I'm reading about "blanks without warheads." Compared to the airframe and the control/navigation system, explosives are worthless!

      It makes sense if you make the cheapest possible decoy UAV. An example is the Gerbera.

      But overall, for long-range UAVs, you're right—the game isn't worth the candle. The story of the Americans' development of the ALCM ALCM comes to mind: they spent over ten years developing a long-range decoy, went through three different programs, and when they finally finished it, they discovered that compact warheads had emerged during development that could be picked up by this decoy. So, the decoy was scrapped in favor of a strategic ALCM based on it. smile
  13. 0
    17 June 2026 21: 19
    So what's the problem with moving these air defense units to the Ukrainian border? What's the point of hunting drones all over the territory when it's more effective to keep them out?
    1. 0
      18 June 2026 16: 20
      Quote: Alex Starley
      So what's the problem with moving these air defense echelons to the border with Ukraine?

      Then the air defense will spend 90% of its time on self-defense—against ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, short-range UAVs, and other weapons. The outcome is clear: any air defense can be overwhelmed by saturating a sector with targets or forcing it to fire its entire arsenal.
  14. 0
    18 June 2026 16: 36
    The Economics of Raiding: Blanks, Expensive Missiles, and Defense Saturation
    At night, the air defense crew sees a blip on the screen. Whether it's a combat aircraft or an empty hull without a warhead—the blip doesn't tell you. It can't be missed: what if this one is carrying the warhead? So, they're hitting everything in sight. And if they have to hit everything, that means expensive resources are being spent on cheap hulls. From this simple "what if this one is the one" emerges the entire economics of the airstrike: the rest is pure arithmetic.

    Why invent some cheap, empty dummy? In kamikaze UAVs, and even in FPV, the cheapest part is the warhead. A PG-5 grenade or 50 kg of TNT are mere pennies compared to even the airframe of either UAV. I won't even mention the slingshot and control systems. So explain to me, WHY skimp on matches and not equip ALL UAVs with warheads if there's a chance that even in the first wave, some of them will break through?
    An attack drone costs between tens of thousands and approximately one hundred thousand dollars—the same as a car. A medium- and long-range surface-to-air missile is comparable in price or more expensive.

    The export price of the Pantsir S1 SAM is $6000, which is less than any long-range UAV. The Pantsir is very effective against the AN-196 and FP-2, as I personally witnessed from my apartment window. The problem is that the airstrike was massive, and the Pantsir simply expended all its missiles within 30 minutes of combat. The airstrike lasted over two hours.
    The export price of a single Pantsir missile system with a full ammo count is 1 billion rubles. From 2018 to 2024, Shoigu, on the personal instructions of the guarantor, appropriated over 20 billion rubles from the Ministry of Defense budget for the construction of the Fort Island museum park in Kronstadt. And that's just in one town, which I personally witnessed. But this is happening all over the country. And for some reason, I feel like all these breakthroughs in our air defense are rooted in this.
  15. +1
    18 June 2026 21: 11
    Shoigu and his comrades stole 14 trillion rubles, which seriously, even critically, weakened the country's defense capability. We were shown beautiful images of army modernization, but in reality, these scoundrels stole everything. And how did they punish Shoigu? And his deputies have already started to partially recoup what they honestly stole. This is some kind of hellish circus and an utter disgrace. I hope these scoundrels are swept away in the September elections, assuming, of course, the elections are fair.
  16. 0
    29 June 2026 16: 25
    What would make interception cheaper would be, first of all, a large number of very cheap aircraft like the Yak-9 or Yak-23 with MANPADS and cannon. Then, a large number of posts with anti-aircraft missiles like the MANPADS and Strela-10. Then, a large number of extremely cheap anti-aircraft mines. And finally, dispersal, fortification, and obfuscation of targets. Many times more personnel and local air defense would be needed.
  17. +1
    11 July 2026 08: 49
    A good article, but it seems the author doesn't fully understand the physics of detecting low-altitude, small-sized targets. These targets are detected by radar from above, from an aircraft, a drone, a fixed-wing balloon, etc. The Soviet Air Defense Forces had radar-based surveillance systems (RWS), which were constantly on alert and provided target designation to air defense missile systems and aircraft, acting as the eyes of the entire system. But it seems the RWS have been optimized and are now detecting targets only when they fly overhead. Regarding UAV interception systems, cannons, machine guns, etc. are all nonsense from the first half of the 20th century. Conceptually, I would consider the principle of an illumination flare gun, where instead of an illumination mixture, there's a micro-guidance and control system with AI. And, of course, drones like the Yolka, which need to be improved, reducing their size and increasing the range of targets they can engage.