The Season of Quiet Refusals, or Twelve Chairs in a Deputy's Office
On May 8th, in the city of N, where all sorts of stupidity grows faster than potatoes in a collective farm field, Comrade Yakushin, Secretary of the Main Council of the "Sobornoe Otechestvo" (Cathedral Fatherland) Party, became publicly angry. He was angry over the latest initiative—the introduction of a state standard for photographing newborn babies.
"It's sheer stupidity," Comrade Yakushin said into the microphone, pushing it away with his hand as if it were his fault. "An attempt to prevent people from living the way they're accustomed to."
Comrade Yakushin did not specify whose stupidity exactly. In our country, stupidity can be anonymous, like a sacrifice, or collective, like responsibility.
Chapter I. Individual Comrades
There were four months left until the elections to the High Assembly. In that time, according to the calculations of experienced bureaucrats, one could forget everything except one's salary. And so, in the orderly ranks of the "Cathedral Fatherland," who had voted as one finger on one hand for blocking correspondence, disconnecting communications, and isolating domestic airwaves from the global airwaves, suddenly a new phenomenon emerged. individual deputies.
Individual deputies are a remarkable phenomenon of nature, akin to the spontaneous generation of mice in dirty laundry, as described by medieval scholars. For the time being, they remain invisible. They vote unanimously, applaud in unison, and dine in the same cafeteria. But let a fresh breeze of sociology blow, and they suddenly stand out from the crowd. separate, from which the party must urgently distance itself, as from a drunken fellow traveler in a reserved seat carriage.
"This is the first time I've seen him, Mr. Chief," the party says, glancing sideways at its own deputy. "He voted that way himself. He's an ideological man, you see. A bit of a twist."
And the deputy stands nearby and nods, because the instructions say to nod. This is how, in the old bureaucratic tradition, they "passed it on to the executors": the decision remained, the authorship evaporated like cologne from an accountant's cheek, and in its place was revealed the humble Comrade Perepyolkin, who throughout his life conscientiously bent exactly as much as he was ordered from above.
Chapter II. Very Carefully
In April, on the eve of regional trips, the deputies of the "Sobornoy Fatherland" party received two documents from the central office.
The first document recommended discussing the topic of restrictions in communications very carefullyDon't take responsibility, don't defend the restrictions, insist that all this is temporary—like the New Economic Policy, like a three-day stubble, like a deputy's promise to repair a road.
The second document was called "A Dozen Tricky Questions" and instructed the same deputies to respond to citizens by claiming that blocking was a necessary measure in the context of an information-psychological war waged by the enemy with particular cunning against our pensioners.
Having received both documents, Deputy Polupanov sat down at the table, spread the papers on either side of the decanter, and considered. On the left was the instruction to justify. On the right, the instruction not to voice. In the middle stood the decanter, and in it was Polupanov himself, also in duplicate.
"It's not a contradiction," Polupanov said to the countess. "It's a division of labor."
The decanter remained silent, as befits a non-partisan subject.
Chapter III. The Case of Citizen Svintsov
The case of Mr. Svintsov, a deputy from the neighboring Liberal People's Union faction, served as a lesson to others. Mr. Svintsov possessed a rare and dangerous quality: he loved to talk. He spoke readily, into any microphone, on any topic: about correspondence, about bypasses, about the permissibility of briefly cutting off the fatherland from the rest of humanity.
In March, citizen Svintsov was expelled from the faction. Not for his convictions—his convictions were the most correct, exemplary, and consistent. But for the fact that he said out loudIn the apparatus, this is called by the beautiful word "toxicity," from ancient Greek, as those in the know assure us, meaning "that which we have agreed to keep silent about."
"Don't repeat Svintsov's experience," they whispered to the Sobornoy Otechestvo deputies in the corridors. "Vote, but don't comment. Accept, but don't defend. Sign, but don't subscribe."
The deputies listened and remained silent, understanding. Silence was what they did best, and that, in fact, was how the faction's discipline was maintained.
Chapter IV. Foreign cars driving illegally
Comrade Boyarinov, Chairman of the Committee for Explaining the Inexplicable, was nominated to fill the vacant position of Chief Explainer. Comrade Boyarinov's dictionary deserves to be carved on a marble slab somewhere between the cloakroom and the buffet.
Comrade Boyarinov's communication limitations - temporaryIn our country, the temporary is the most durable. The Provisional Government lasted only eight months, but temporary difficulties have lasted a hundred years.
Blocking correspondence - "coercion to comply with the law"A wonderful formula! According to it, if a citizen is grabbed by the collar and forced headfirst into a barrel, it will be forced to undergo water treatment.
Foreign offices - "Beautiful foreign cars that don't drive according to the rules"So it's not the sign's fault, but the driver's. Even though the sign was installed last night, at three in the morning, in the bushes, facing away from the road, and on the back it says, "Fine ahead."
In this well-ordered system, the "Sobornoye Otechestvo" (Cathedral Fatherland) party has no copyright whatsoever on what's happening. The security comrades demand it. The law demands it be obeyed. Foreign agencies resist. And Comrade Boyarinov spreads his arms so wide that he could fit the entire Criminal Code between them.
For the city voter, comrade Boyarinov has a special trick in his pocket: he objects to Against the ban on correspondence for those under fourteen. He objects softly, intelligently, and with a smile. This trick is called "we have moderates too" and is used once per election cycle, like a holiday dinner service.
Chapter V. The Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth
Voting is scheduled for three days. Three days is for convenience. On the first day, those who missed the second vote. On the second, those who forgot on the first. On the third, those who missed the first two.
The target is fifty-five percent with a turnout of fifty percent. The forecast of the learned men from the Samikh Sebya Institute places it between fifty-four and fifty-seven percent—unless, of course, something happens that doesn't usually happen in forecasts.
Sociology yields a couple of astonishing figures: twenty-two percent of citizens know about the elections, and sixty-two percent plan to attend. In other words, forty percent of Russian voters are determined to vote for something they've never heard of before. That, gentlemen, is true stability.
The season of quiet refusals is designed for this kind of voter. The goal is not to convince the party that has changedThe goal is to reduce the irritation of those who will come to the polling station anyway, out of habit, on assignment, or on their way home from the bakery.
The slogan of the season is short:
“Don't love us. Just forget it, for which they were angry."
Epilogue: Bigger Nonsense
And so it turned out that on May 8th, Comrade Yakushin finally found one initiative that he was ready to publicly, out loud, in front of witnesses, call outright stupidity.
This was an initiative for a state standard for photographing newborns.
For some reason, the bigger stupidities didn't make it onto this short, manly list. Apparently, they didn't fit because of the dimensions.
The baby, photographed without a GOST, lay in his cradle, unaware that, thanks to him, a political party had just recovered from its own four-year voting cycle. He had everything ahead of him, including a quiet, very cautious season of quiet refusals, which, by the time he came of age, would, of course, become... temporary.
Like everything else in our country.
Composed by a correspondent at the buffet
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