The role and place of Russia in the modern world
Creation in the USSR of atomic, and then hydrogen weaponsThe respective launch vehicles put an end to Washington’s nuclear blackmail. The Korean War and the Vietnam War ended in fact with the victory of our allies, our common victory primarily thanks to the military-political support of the heroic peoples of these countries from the USSR and the PRC. The aggression of England, France and Israel against the progressive regime of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt in 1956 ended a day after Moscow’s actual ultimatum. The liberation of Africa from colonial slavery occurred primarily because of the very existence of the Soviet Union and the socialist community and their support for the liberation struggle of the peoples.
The outstanding pace of its economic development, the great achievements of science, technology, culture, avant-garde positions in health care, medicine and education, guarantees of the basic social rights of citizens (and, above all, the proclaimed, but never realized, position of the American Bill of the right to life without the need ), our socialist power represented to the whole world, including the countries of the West, a visible alternative to capitalism.
It was the example of the USSR that was the decisive condition for the existence of the international communist movement, including the multi-million and extremely influential communist parties of Italy and France, which had repeatedly been part of the governments of these countries and had world-class scientists and culture as their members and supporters. As you know, Albert Ainshsayn, Pablo Pisasso and other great intellectuals and creators have repeatedly declared their commitment to the ideas of socialism, were friends of our country.
And yet, let us say the most important thing: with its economic and defensive might, the USSR ensured a balance of power in the world. No less important is the fact that, at the core of its ideology, the USSR represented the values of humanism and spirituality, reflecting the deep aspirations of all humanity and drawing the minds of billions of people. In any case, it represented a real alternative to capitalism oriented to money and material comfort as the main goal of human existence. It is no accident that Soviet culture, art and science for decades occupied leading positions in the world and created the intellectual bar, which Western cultural figures wanted to comply with.
Today, after the end of the USSR, high culture disappears not only in our country. See what happens in the West. Name those living now and actively working, if not great, then at least prominent Western cultural and art workers. Hardly remember at least three names.
At the same time, it is necessary to clearly realize that the intrigues of an external enemy could never have succeeded in crushing such a historical giant as the great Soviet Union. Both Lenin and Stalin repeatedly warned that the death of the party and the state could result primarily from internal weakness, decomposition of leading cadres, violation of the principle of democratic centralism — that is, unity in the party and state leadership of the country. Hence the rigidity and intransigence with which they related to such manifestations. At the same time, the main factor as a decisive factor was to preserve the fundamental values of socialism and Soviet power on the basis of the creative development of Marxism, taking into account changing circumstances, selection of personnel based on the evaluation of the interests of the people, their moral and political opinion, not the speeches and promises. look.
As you know, the first tremendous destructive force hit on socialism as the basis of the state system of the USSR and the dominant ideology, its world prestige was struck by Stalin’s Khruschev “revelations” in 1956 year. But the real sabotage of this man and his environment was not limited to this. The famous “kitchen dispute” of Khrushchev and Nixon at the American exhibition in Moscow in 1959, in which Khrushchev seemed to uphold spiritual values and interests as the driving force of society and the meaning of human existence, and the vice-president of the United States saw this meaning exclusively in color TVs, refrigerators in the end, Khrushchev reduced the main goal of the party and the people to a constant race for material priorities imposed on us by the West.
If we consider in this connection the root causes of the tragedy of our party and state, then they are reduced, on the one hand, to an unacceptably low level of material well-being of the majority of the population, which neither the war that has passed long ago nor the imposed arms race could justify. Moreover, it is impossible to justify the system of values imposed on us by the same Americans, which boil down to the goal of "meeting the ever-growing material needs of the people" without prioritizing the values of the spiritual, the values of the socialist, the values of the national, national. Western anti-Soviet propaganda, of which millions of people in our country have become consumers in the last decades of the USSR’s existence, has actively worked to erode the socialist and patriotic consciousness of the people, using primarily these two factors.
Disintegration, the disintegration of society began primarily in the elite, represented by leading party and economic cadres. Appearance in the core of the party - in the apparatus of the Central Committee of the CPSU and its Politburo, along with honest and loyal people of such shifters and reincarnations like Gorbachev, Yakovlev, Shevardnadze and others led to the disintegration and disintegration of society and in itself testified to the internal processes of decay that began in at our highest levels, both at Moscow and at the regional level, long before that, under Khrushchev and in the second half of the reign of Leonid Brezhnev, during the so-called period. stagnation.
At the same time, it must be admitted that the first symptoms of such a decomposition appeared among a part of the leading cadres at the end of the 30s and especially after the war. But I.V. Stalin reacted extremely sensitively and harshly to the symptoms of domestic decay, the race for enrichment, the transformation of party leaders into an elite that was closed and distant from the people and their needs, worship of the West, manifested in a number of well-known and popular party, military and state figures, and especially among the intelligentsia. He condemned and suppressed all such manifestations with extreme determination and mercilessness. "Damn caste", - said Stalin about such people. Unfortunately, after the leader left the life, such consumer moods and manifestations began to multiply in our elite in a geometrical progression. The phenomenon of Gorbachev and Yeltsin, of countless newborn on the ground among the party, Soviet workers and "red directors" is a direct derivative of these putrefactive processes.
It seems that the main reason for this was the formal political democracy that existed in the country, “elections without choice”, the lack of real control of the people over the authorities and the ability of people to really influence their own destiny through the ballot. As we all know, the legislative, executive bodies of the Soviet government and the judicial system did not provide for a real separation of powers. At the same time, the democratic mechanism for the renewal of the leadership of the party, laid down in its Charter, and really working under Lenin and Stalin, gradually also became rusty. Hence, the article about the leading role of the party, which existed in the USSR Constitution of 1977, actually did not so much help the state and society as it conserved stagnation and shortcomings. It was already in 30 that JV Stalin understood that he tried to lay down the possibility of alternative elections with several candidates for one seat in the 1936 Constitution, real competition of candidates and limiting the role of the party primarily with ideological and personnel issues. However, the powerful, united resistance of the taste of the power of the party bureaucracy did not allow him to achieve this goal.
The current global crisis of capitalism, which is most visibly and contrastively manifested in our country, makes the request for socialism not only relevant - it puts it on the practical agenda. It is not by chance that after more than two decades of Western enthusiasm about the collapse of the USSR, the world system of socialism, and the allegations that the liberal model represents itself the crown of human storiesEven in the leading Western editions of the USA and Europe, not to mention Asia and South America now, in conditions of a complete impasse of liberal capitalism, there are heated discussions about a return in one form or another to the idea of socialism, or at least a social, socialized state. It is recognized at the same time that the pursuit of profit and personal enrichment cannot be the goal and meaning of the existence of society and the individual - this is the path to savagery and the collapse of the family, state, civilization.
Russia, which suffered socialism and Soviet power for centuries of its history, which at one time was the weakest link in capitalism and the most prepared in a spiritual sense primarily to accept socialist values, achieved precisely because of this system of the highest results in its national and world history, at the same time time for the last 20 years of capitalism collapsed into nowhere, to return to this system, as they say, God himself commanded.
However, one must not forget that history does not know a backward movement. The history of all restorations in the world shows the great difference between heirs and grandparents. Time is implacable, and it is clear that, given the radically changed internal and global realities, we can and should speak only about new socialism, which absorbed the best of Soviet and world experience and at the same time does not repeat past mistakes, illusions and delusions, taking into account the current situation and future development trends.
The outstanding Russian historian Vasily Klyuchevsky noted that Russian history is characterized by its repeatability. The ongoing processes in the country and in the world, for all their novelty, are surprisingly reminiscent of the times immediately preceding the February 1917 of the year. Hence, not far from the question "Where is such a party?". There is such a party, its name is the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and it should be from a practical and theoretical point of view fully ready to seize power and to historical responsibility for bringing the country out of the historical impasse, to new perspectives. At the same time, we absolutely cannot attack the old rake.
First of all, we must do everything to protect ourselves from two traditional traps that the Communists have repeatedly hit in the past. One of them is revisionism, apostasy from the very essence of the revolutionary teachings of Marx and Lenin, the foundations of socialism as an economic system and political philosophy. As is known, in our country its varieties were “left” and “right” opportunists from Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev to Bukharin and others. Then this potentially disastrous for the party fork, although a very heavy, sometimes disproportionate human price, was avoided.
In 60-80-s, the deserved, multi-million communist parties of France, Italy, Spain fell under the auspices of the creative development of Marxism ... And they actually died as influential national organizations.
On the other hand, no less formidable danger for the Communists is dogmatism, stagnation in the development of the theoretical thought of the party (often arising, by the way, as a reaction to the danger of revisionism). It seems that in 50-60-ies the victim of dogmatism, to our great regret, became, first of all, the CPSU. Anticipating this, Stalin warned his comrades before he left: “Without theory, we are dead!”, Referring not only to mastering all the treasures of the philosophical thought of the classics of Marxism, but on this basis, its bold, innovative development.
The tragedy was that, in contrast to the fundamental and applied natural sciences that were actively developing in our country, which set the world level of relevant branches of knowledge, many of our social sciences, and above all, research in the field of modern philosophy, theory and practice of Marxism, socialism, and political economy. , sociology and others, with some positive exceptions, fell at this time into a hardened and bone-like state, not answering questions increasingly asked by the changing Soviet and world reality. It was precisely what the classics of Marxism warned against: the transformation of their theoretical heritage from a weapon of struggle into a historical monument.
At the same time, those researchers who tried to keep up with the times, boldly uncovered contradictions and distortions, mistakes and misconceptions that occurred in the practice of real socialism, searched for new answers to new problems, were subjected to dogmatists condemnation and ostracism. The most disgraceful in this regard is the “affair” of the remarkable communist and patriot, veteran of the Great Patriotic War, outstanding Soviet philosopher, professor of Moscow State University Alexander Alexandrovich Zinoviev, created in 70-s, 90 anniversary of his birth was celebrated in 2012 year.
For the unorthodox nature of his views and works, he was expelled from the party, dismissed from his job, deprived of Soviet citizenship and expelled from the country. But already in the 1989 year, Zinoviev turned out to be one of the first to realize the consequences of the Gorbachev "catastrophic", later he turned out to be the most prominent researcher and staunch defender of the advantages of Soviet socialism, the most talented critic of global capitalism and "Westernism." At the same time, many of his “principled” critics and persecutors who lived up to the 90 of the 'zero years, from the standpoint of dogmatism, were mostly on the other side of the barricades - in the camp of anti-communists and anti-Sovietists. All their theoretical activity in those years was reduced (and for many people still comes down to) the rehash of Western authors, mainly of the liberal-anti-communist direction. And now, in the conditions of the global crisis of capitalism as a theory and practice of organizing society, and especially its right liberal version, when the authors of these theories themselves (like Francis Fukiyama, who predicted the “end of history”, that is, the ultimate triumph of liberalism), and now recognizing the fallacy of their predictions, our home-grown liberals and anti-communists were left with nothing.
In the last decades of the USSR, the state of social sciences had the most negative consequences for the fate of the party and the state. More Yu.V. In the year 1983, Andropov was forced to conclude that "we do not know the society in which we live." It was impossible to come up with a more derogatory assessment of the state of social thought and the level of research. Subsequently, the majority of Soviet social scientists turned out to be completely unprepared to answer the most important questions about the cause of the crisis phenomena of the Soviet society and state, the factors that caused the death of the CPSU and the USSR.
Hand in hand, we must recognize that even today we do not have comprehensive Marxist studies on this issue, with the exception of the works of the same A. Zinoviev, S. Kara-Murza, Yu. Zhukov, Yu. Emelyanova and several other talented researchers.
At the same time, it is obvious that the strategy of withdrawing Russia from the current disastrous trajectory of falling on the path of rebirth can be provided by a mature innovative theory, a bold Marxist analysis of the history and practice of Soviet society and modern Russia, the world around us, and future development trends.
- Leonid Dobrokhotov
- http://www.geopolitica.ru/article/rol-i-mesto-rossii-v-sovremennom-mire#.UXqxuaKeOSo
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