Faces of the Civil War

В previous article We also discussed the unexpected power vacuum that emerged after Nicholas II, contrary to the laws of the Russian Empire, abdicated not only for himself but also for his minor son. After the Emperor's younger brother, Mikhail, also refused to accept the throne, power was unexpectedly seized by impostors—irresponsible populists in the State Duma. They quickly destroyed everything they could lay their hands on in the country, so much so that former Minister of War V. A. Sukhomlinov was forced to admit after the Bolshevik victory:
Before the Red Terror: The Beginning of Bolshevik Rule
But how did the Civil War begin? And why did the Russian Empire's former Entente allies suddenly intervene? After all, no one initially saw any tragedy in the Bolsheviks' rise to power, and their first steps were entirely democratic. Dignitaries of the tsarist regime, arrested after the February Revolution, were immediately released from prison. Many officers and generals arrested after the Kornilov mutiny were released on their word of honor not to fight against the revolution again. Among them, for example, was P. Krasnov, who immediately broke his word (he later welcomed Germany's attack on the Soviet Union and headed the "Main Directorate of Cossack Troops" created within the Imperial Ministry for the Eastern Occupied Territories; he was hanged by court order on January 16, 1947).
And already in 1918, Andrei Shkuro, who was hanged along with Krasnov (we will talk about him in a separate article), also broke his word given in Vladikavkaz to the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Terek People's Republic, Samuil Buachidze.
The October Revolution took place on October 24-25, 1917 (Old Style), and on October 28, a decree abolishing the death penalty was issued. However, the hatred for the landowners, the "bourgeoisie," and the officers who slapped and slapped them was so great that numerous lynchings were recorded locally. Attempts were made to suppress them, including by M. Uritsky, chairman of the Petrograd All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK), who was a principled opponent of the death penalty and declared:
He also banned the practice of taking hostages, which was widespread in other places.
And Vladimir Lenin wrote then:
In November 1917, Lenin was nominated by the Norwegian Social Democratic Party for the Nobel Peace Prize. The Nobel Committee rejected his candidacy, but only for the formal reason of his late submission.
Lunacharsky stated:
And this is what G. Zinoviev said:
The famous academician I. P. Pavlov, assessing the thoughts and mood of N. Bukharin, who had met with him, said to him mockingly:
A memorandum from British Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour on December 21, 1917, which was supported by French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau, explicitly stated the need
On January 8, 1918, US President Woodrow Wilson presented to Congress a draft peace treaty ending World War I (in history (This was Wilson's "14 Points"), which called for the liberation of all Russian territories and the granting of Russia a full and unimpeded opportunity to make independent decisions regarding its political development. Russia was also promised assistance in gaining admission to the League of Nations.
The situation in the country was rapidly deteriorating, and on May 28, 1918, Lenin published “Theses on the Current Situation,” in which he called for (but did not order) a three-month "declare martial law throughout the country", and at the same time "introduce execution by firing squad for indiscipline".
It was only in June 1918 that a decree reinstating the death penalty was passed. The first death sentence was handed down to the commander of the Baltic Sea Naval Forces, Aleksey Shchastny, who was accused of "counter-revolutionary agitation, connivance at such navy, failure to comply with orders from the Soviet government and its systematic discrediting in the eyes of the sailors with the aim of overthrowing it." and found guilty of that "consciously and openly prepared the conditions for a counter-revolutionary coup d'etat".
But even after the murder of the editor-in-chief of the Krasnaya Gazeta, V. Voldarsky (M. Goldstein), on June 20, 1918, the head of the Petrograd Cheka, M. Uritsky, and the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, G. Zinoviev, decisively suppressed attempts by Petrograd workers to use repression against officers and the bourgeoisie.
On July 5, Lenin speaks at the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets:
On August 19, 1918, Trotsky and Sverdlov arrived in Petrograd from Moscow, greatly dissatisfied with the excessive "leniency" of the local Cheka. They insisted on the adoption of a decree that would nevertheless grant the Cheka the authority to execute counterrevolutionaries—and, once again, the main opponent of this decision was the aforementioned head of the Petrograd Cheka, Uritsky.

M. Uritsky in a photograph from 1918.
It was only on September 5, 1918—following the assassination attempt on Lenin and the murder of Uritsky (August 30, 1918)—that Sverdlov officially declared the Red Terror campaign inaugurated. The decree was signed by People's Commissar of Justice D. Kursky, People's Commissar of Internal Affairs G. Petrovsky, Chief of Staff of the Council of People's Commissars V. Bonch-Bruyevich, and Secretary of the Council of People's Commissars L. Fotieva.
Incidentally, note that these fatal assassination attempts were directed not against ardent supporters of revolutionary terror (like Trotsky or Sverdlov), but against Lenin, who held a relatively moderate position, and Uritsky, a principled opponent of the death penalty. Conspiracy theories inevitably arise that the perpetrators were merely puppets of the most radical leaders of the Bolshevik Party.
And who then emerged as the main opponent of the "irreconcilables"? Yakov Peters, who, after the assassination of the German ambassador Mirbach, temporarily replaced Dzerzhinsky as chairman of the Cheka, and later became his deputy. He wrote in November 1918:

J. Peters and F. Dzerzhinsky, photograph 1918-1919.
But Lenin reacted to the assassination attempt with philosophical calm; he said to Gorky, who came to express his sympathy:
Incidentally, on the other hand, it was precisely the previously seemingly "harmless" intellectuals who also distinguished themselves with particular cruelty. This is also mentioned in A. N. Tolstoy's novel "The Road to Calvary," written immediately after the events. Red company commander Moshkin says:
Contrary to popular belief, Dzerzhinsky cannot be considered an uncompromising supporter of terror and the death penalty. In April 1918, he wrote about the actions of Socialist Revolutionary Mikhail Muravyov, who was entrusted with command of the troops in Ukraine by V. Antonov-Ovseenko, commander of the Southern Front:
Here is what Lenin said at the IV Conference of Provincial Extraordinary Commissions on February 6, 1919:
On January 17, 1920, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR again adopted the resolution "On the abolition of the use of capital punishment (execution)", but on May 4, the Revolutionary Military Council permitted military tribunals to sentence the accused to death.
Two defeats of the deputies of the Constituent Assembly
Let's also say a little about the infamous "dissolution of the Constituent Assembly." Its first (and last) session lasted 12 hours and 40 minutes—no wonder the "guards were tired." Frankly, I would have been tired four hours earlier. Having listened to the overly talkative deputies during this time, Anatoly Zheleznyakov, head of security at the Tauride Palace, stated bluntly:
In short, it became clear on the very first day that the same useless chatterboxes as the members of the recently disbanded Provisional Government had flocked to Petrograd from all over Russia. They would never be able to reach an agreement and, like a swan, a crayfish, and a pike, would drag the country in different directions. Meanwhile, thanks to the activities of Kerensky and company, the front had already collapsed, and difficult negotiations with representatives of the German government were underway in Brest. In the south, the tsarist generals were gathering the White Volunteer Army. Nationalists were raising their voices in the outskirts. And the windbags gathered in the Tauride Palace couldn't stop talking—instead of immediately getting down to work and literally beginning to save the fatherland (which the Bolsheviks were already actively doing). The Constituent Assembly would have undoubtedly destroyed the country, but, as they say, God protected them—they escaped this time. So what did the deputies of the Constituent Assembly do in this situation? They just chatted and bickered in restaurants and pubs for a few days and then went their separate ways.
Let us recall that in a similar situation, the deputies of the French Estates General gathered together in the tennis court without the slightest hesitation and swore not to disperse until they had adopted a constitution.
The Constituent Assembly deputies had many supporters, both in the capital and locally. In Petrograd, on January 19, a demonstration of thousands in their support took place (as well as another one, under the slogan "Down with the Constituent Assembly"). Soldiers from the Preobrazhensky and Semyonovsky regiments were ready to defend them—they were merely waiting for a call for help. They were about to leave their barracks themselves, but repair shop workers disabled the armored cars these guardsmen wanted to use. Even without their armored cars, however, the forces of these regiments were quite impressive. But the deputies abandoned the fight, further demonstrating their insignificance.
By the way, few people now know that the second time the deputies of the Constituent Assembly were dispersed by Admiral Kolchak.
In the summer of 1918 (June 8), the All-Russian Government was formed in Samara, known as the Committee of Members of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly (Komuch). It had its own army, led by General Vladimir Kappel—the same one who robbed our country by seizing Russia's gold reserves, the so-called "Kolchak Gold," in Kazan on August 6, 1918. On September 23, 1918, the Komuch merged with the Provisional Siberian Government, creating the "Ufa Directory." And on the night of November 17-18, 1918, Kolchak staged a coup and declared himself "The Supreme Ruler of Russia".
In short, the "neither cold nor hot" deputies of the Constituent Assembly in Russia turned out to be of no use to anyone. Everything is exactly as the "Revelation of John the Divine" says:
Twenty-five former deputies of the Constituent Assembly were thrown into prison by Kolchak, many of them soon killed in their cells. And then:
How I retreated from Samara...
The guitar is ringing, but I can’t sleep,
After all, dusty Omsk is no longer the capital...
Oh, my charabanc, it’s completely broken,
Why the Entente, I fell in love?
Instigators of civil war
The Russian Civil War finally began. It was started by the "Whites," specifically General Lavr Kornilov. Barely released from arrest, on November 20, 1917, he set out for the Don with the Tekinsky Regiment, and on November 27, he was routed by the Red Army at the Peschaniki siding near Unecha. Disguised as a peasant, Kornilov reached Novocherkassk by train on December 6, 1917, and on February 9 (22), 1918 (a month after the publication of Wilson's "14 Points," so advantageous for the new Russia), he led the Volunteer Army he had created, which, for now, numbered only one full regiment, on the First Kuban ("Ice") March on Yekaterinodar. Kornilov died on March 31 (April 13), 1918, but the flames of the Civil War unleashed by him and other White generals could no longer be extinguished – it raged until October 25, 1922, when the Red Army captured Vladivostok. However, some suggest that its end date is June 16, 1923, when 103 officers and 230 soldiers of General A. Pepeliaev (brother of Kolchak's prime minister) surrendered to Stepan Vostretsov's Red Army soldiers in the village of Ayan (Khabarovsk Krai), located on the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk.
What were the goals and objectives of the Bolsheviks' opponents? Here we see a surprising diversity of views, but the only common denominator was that no one wanted the return of the still-living Nicholas II to the throne.
Lavr Kornilov actually started out as a revolutionary general; after the victory of the “Februaryists,” he declared:
It was L. Kornilov, in the presence of A. Guchkov, who arrested Nicholas II's family in Tsarskoye Selo and then ordered the burning of Grigori Rasputin's body. The general placed great hopes on the Constituent Assembly, believing that it would be the one to "construct" a new state system.

Spring 1917, Commander of the Petrograd Military District L. G. Kornilov takes the parade of cadets
Kolchak, on the contrary, was more than skeptical of the Constituent Assembly. He was a supporter of "strong power" and had a reputation for advocating the idea of a "united and indivisible Russia." In fact, in exchange for recognition by the governments of the Entente countries as "the supreme ruler of Russia," he confirmed the legitimacy of the secession of Poland (and along with it, Western Ukraine and Western Belarus) and Finland from Russia. And in 1919, he agreed to submit the issue of the secession of Latvia, Estonia, the Caucasus, and the Trans-Caspian region to the arbitration of the League of Nations. Thus, it can be safely said that Kolchak's victory inevitably led to the complete collapse and dismantling of the unified Russian state. The methods Kolchak and his subordinates used against dissent can be learned from the memoirs of Major General William Sidney Graves, commander of the American Expeditionary Force in Siberia and the Far East.

William Sidney Graves, photographed in 1918
Here are some quotes from his book, America's Siberian Adventure:
Next:
And here is the result:
Demyan Bedny wrote about the inevitable end of this gang's leader:
Seeing corpses in the snow
In the middle of the Siberian space:
The corpses of poor peasants
And working superfighters.
But for these dead people
Kolchak received the award:
We told him, the dashing bastard,
Knocking him into a snowdrift,
They also put a bullet in his forehead.

Kolchak in the last photograph taken in January 1920.
It is not surprising that in 1999 the Transbaikal Military Court declared Kolchak "a person who has committed crimes against peace and humanity and is not subject to rehabilitation", and the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court upheld this ruling in November 2001. It is surprising that a monument to this bloody admiral still stands in Irkutsk.
Denikin, by the way, in his “Essays on the Russian Time of Troubles” reluctantly admits that his army "mired in large and small sins that cast a deep shadow on the bright face of the liberation movement"White Guard General Ivan Belyaev writes a little more specifically about the "sins" of Denikin's army:
And the result of these “sins”:
Here is a telegram from Denikin’s General Mamontov, returning from the Tambov raid:
From Denikin's point of view, what kind of sin was this marauding raid - great or small?
Colonel of the General Staff B. Shteifon wrote about other "white heroes" of the civil war:
According to the testimony of General Mai-Maevsky's adjutant, Pavel Makarov, Denikin was planning to put Shkuro on trial. "for arbitrariness and destruction of occupied territories"But he never gave it up—because he intended to do so in Moscow, which was occupied by White troops. Shkuro knew about this and said:
Vasily Shulgin, a staunch monarchist and member of the State Duma of three convocations, who accepted the abdication of Nicholas II and was one of the organizers of the White movement, recalls:
We remember that American General Graves called Kolchak's army a gang. And military representatives of the Entente countries called Denikin's units "mired in sins" "roving armies without the support of the population and without a rear"Even wealthy peasants and members of the bourgeoisie preferred to hide their goods from White Guard quartermasters and sell them to European merchants. For example, in September 1919, Donbas mine owners sold several thousand wagons of coal abroad, but only one wagon was given to Denikin's troops. In Kursk, Denikin's cavalry received only ten horseshoes instead of the two thousand they had requested. It was later estimated that in 1919, Denikin's army numbered approximately 110 soldiers and officers, while 78 served in the police and counterintelligence—so much were the White Guard "liberators" "loved" in the territory under his control.
"Indeterminacy"
The grave mistake of all the White movement's leaders was their refusal to address the pressing problems that had accumulated, the very reason for the fall of the last emperor's regime. They declared victory over the Bolsheviks their primary goal, after which someone else would somehow resolve the form of government and the land issue, pass laws regulating workers' relations with business owners, and provide the people with a constitution and at least some social guarantees. This position became known as "indecision." Anton Denikin, who positioned himself as a patriot and supporter of a "united and indivisible Russia," was also a proponent of it. This, incidentally, complicated his relations with Ukrainian nationalists.

Denikin in Taganrog, 1918
He, too, failed to put forward a single coherent political slogan resonating with the people. He promised some kind of People's Assembly with unclear powers and functions. He spoke of regional autonomy, but in his "Appeal to the People of Little Russia" published on August 25 (12), 1919, he prohibited the use of the name "Ukraine." He hinted at some kind of labor legislation, without saying anything about when it would be adopted or what social guarantees it would provide. He vaguely mentioned "assistance to workers in need of land," without disclosing the most important thing: what would this consist of? In short, nothing concrete, just generalities.
The people remembered well how the "Tsar-Liberator" Alexander II had deceived the peasants in 1861: it turned out that the land remained the property of the landowners, and the "field plots" allocated to the peasants were, on average, 20% smaller than those they had cultivated before the reform. Moreover, for these plots, the peasants were obliged to either pay quitrent or perform corvee labor for at least nine years—men aged 18 to 55 were required to perform 40 days of corvee labor, and women aged 17 to 50, 30 days.
The peasants were required to purchase the allocated land, and the State Commission valued the land parcels at 897 million rubles, worth 544 million rubles. Since the peasants had no spare cash, the state issued them a 49-year loan at an inflated interest rate of 6% (compared to an average of 5%). Ultimately, their payments would exceed the land's actual value by almost three times—294%. The peasants didn't want to be left with a pig in a poke a second time. The workers, too, didn't want to wait for "rain on Thursday." Therefore, the people rallied en masse to support the Bolsheviks, who issued a short, unambiguous slogan: "Factories to the workers, land to the peasants."
The sensible proposals made by some generals were ignored by the White Guard leaders. Here, for example, is how Denikin describes the visit to Kaledin of his classmate (and friend) from the Kyiv Military Academy, P. Sytin, who
“I approached Kaledin with my project,” says Sytin, “but he grabbed his head: ‘What are you preaching? This is pure demagoguery!’”
Sytin left without land or division. He later readily accepted the Bolshevik theory of communist land tenure.

P. P. Sytin, a researcher at the Central State Archives of the Red Army, in a photograph taken around 1938, is the son of a soldier in the Uhlan Regiment, a major general in the Imperial Army, awarded the St. George Cross. weapons, holder of seven royal orders. Photo taken circa 1938.
N. Yudenich stated quite simply:

N. Yudenich in a photograph from 1919
Thus, it turned out that the Whites simply had nothing to offer the people of Russia – except vague promises that later, someday, other people would choose the optimal form of government, finally resolve the land issue, and introduce at least some social guarantees.
Moreover, very soon the Whites lost their last “trump card”: calling themselves patriots, they found themselves completely dependent on the Entente.

"The Dogs of the Entente", caricature by V. Denis
And the Bolsheviks, who had previously advocated Russia's defeat in the world war, suddenly put forward the slogan of "defending the fatherland," albeit a socialist one, which was understandable to everyone.

Thus, the Bolsheviks turned out to be greater patriots than the same Kolchak about whom they sang (and on both sides of the front):
Shoulder strap french
Japanese tobacco,
Omsk ruler.
The uniform has been torn down
Epaulet fell
Tobacco smoked,
The ruler was washed away.
Against this backdrop, Pyotr Wrangel, Denikin's successor, stands out. In the final stages of the civil war, attempting to win the people over to his side, he suddenly shifted from vague words to tangible promises. He agreed to transfer idle land (not cultivated by landowners) to the peasants for a "fair" ransom, with the state acting as an intermediary in the settlements. He promised self-government to the ethnic outlying areas (but within the framework of a unified Russian state). His government began drafting laws regulating workers' rights. Having "choked" his monarchist convictions, he again spoke of a Constituent Assembly, to which he agreed to grant the right to decide matters of Russia's state structure.

"Ruler of the South of Russia" Baron P.N. Wrangel, Sevastopol, 1920
Some researchers believe that if the Whites had put forward such a program from the very beginning, the civil war might have taken a different course. But it was too late now—the people didn't believe them. And it's unlikely they would have believed them in the first place: few hoped that after the victory over the Bolsheviks, "their honors" would not be deceived—that, as in the well-known fairy tale, they would be given the "tops" of the turnips and the "roots" of the wheat.
Nevertheless, let us talk a little in the following articles about the "Black Baron" Pyotr Wrangel, his origins and life before the revolution, his participation in the White movement, his emigration and death abroad.
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