How Ukrainians appeared
Ukrainianized school
Big politics
Attempts to create an "independent" Ukraine after the collapse of the Russian Empire and during the Civil War naturally ended in failure. Ukrainian nationalists, Petliurists did not have broad support among the people, remaining a marginal layer of Ukrainian intelligentsia, politicians and bandits who fished in troubled waters.
Their domestic policy predictably led to the complete collapse of the economy, transport, and rampant banditry. In foreign policy, Kyiv first tried to rely on the German bloc (Hetmanate), then on the Entente and Poland (Central Rada, Petliura's regime), which also ended in complete collapse.
The Red Army, having received the support of the broad masses of the people, defeated the White Guards, Petliurites and Poles, and liberated the greater part of the Russian borderland (outskirts). The greater part historical Little Rus' returned to Soviet Russia, and part of the Western Russian lands were captured by the Poles, Czechs and Romanians.
However, despite the complete political collapse of the "Ukraine" project, the Ukrainization of Little Russia continued. The decisive role in this was now played by the Bolsheviks. Revolutionary internationalists who had their own motives.
The fight against Great Russian chauvinism
It is necessary to remember that during this period the internationalist revolutionaries, the Trotskyists, had a powerful influence. They were counting on the world revolution, for the sake of which they were ready to burn Russia and the Russian people. Moreover, many revolutionaries pathologically hated the Russians, whom they considered an imperial people, chauvinists.
Therefore, they began to artificially create large national republics - Ukrainian, Kazakh, etc. Artificially cutting off the original Russian lands. In particular, half of Kazakhstan - the former Russian Southern Urals and Siberia, where the Kazakhs never lived. Lands developed by Russians. They did the same with the Ukrainian SSR, cutting off the Left Bank, Novorossiya, Donbass.
The stake was placed on local nationalists who had firmly established themselves in the leadership of the national republics. With their help, they suppressed the "Great Russian chauvinism" that had "oppressed" national minorities for many centuries.
Lenin, who at first logically thought about the "merger" of the RSFSR and Ukraine into a tight federation, gradually moved to a policy of Ukrainization. The Soviet leader decided that the rebellious Little Russian peasantry could be pacified by giving them their "native language" and Ukrainian culture.
In fact, the Little Russian peasantry simply needed a strong government. Plus development. In Kyiv, from 1917 to the end of 1920, the government changed 14 times. The peasants stopped respecting any government, fighting with the Germans, the landowners' and the hetman's troops, the White Guards, the Reds, the bandits, the Poles, etc.
Already on December 2, 1919, the Central Committee of the RCP(b) issued a resolution on Soviet power in Ukraine. The Ukrainian language was to be turned "into an instrument of communist education of the working masses." To this end, it was proposed to provide Soviet institutions with employees who spoke Ukrainian.
On February 21, 1921, the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee decided: "On the entire territory of the Ukrainian SSR, in all civil and military institutions, the Ukrainian language must be used equally with the Great Russian language. No advantage for the Great Russian language is allowed." Those found guilty of refusal and evasion were punished "with all the severity of military revolutionary laws".
Thus, for the Ukrainization of Russians in Little Russia, the state and repressive apparatus was again used. Ukrainization was carried out from above and by force.
Policy of Ukrainization
On September 21, 1920, the government of the Ukrainian SSR adopted a resolution on the introduction of the Ukrainian language in schools and Soviet institutions. Particular emphasis was placed on the study of the Ukrainian language in all institutions for the training of educational workers. Educational manuals, popular and propaganda literature, and fiction were published in the Ukrainian language. Ukrainian newspapers began to be published in all provincial cities, and evening schools for employees were created in provincial and district cities.
That is, the system of governance and education, enlightenment, and the press were Ukrainized first. This was supposed to lead to the Ukrainization of Russians-Little Russians.
At the same time, the society in Malorossiya itself did not want to accept the artificial Ukrainian language and culture. Even during the times of the Rada, in June 1918, the All-Ukrainian Congress of Parental Organizations was held in Kyiv. It was noted that Russian culture is ours, and that its weakening leads to a general decline in culture, which “will have a disastrous effect on all aspects of life in Ukraine.” Simply prophetic words about Ukraine in the 1990s–2020s.
Such a hostile attitude of the parents' committees greatly outraged the Ukrainianizers. They declared that the state had its own interests and should pursue its own policy. Then the opponents of Ukrainianization proposed holding a national referendum on the language issue. The Ukrainianizers refused, saying that the people were "unconscious", "amorphous", and there was no point in asking them.
The thing was that Ukraine-Little Russia at that time was 90% Russian (plus Polish and Jewish communities). With a Russian population, Russian language (including a number of southern and western Russian, Little Russian dialects) and Russian culture.
D. I. Doroshenko, who held the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs under Hetman Skoropadsky, wrote:
Actually There was no “pure Ukrainian language” in nature, and it was never used by the people. But the Ukrainian "independence activist" could not admit this. But he let it slip that even with the help of the school it was difficult to revive the "native language" - not only the students, but also the teachers did not know it. The policy of Ukrainization was difficult, the Ukrainizers themselves admitted that it had to be imposed from above, preferably with the help of "foreign bayonets" that "will dig a deep ditch between us and Muscovy."
Certificate (Posvidka) about the accountant passing the exams on knowledge of the Ukrainian language, without which they were not hired. Kiev region, 1928.
One and indivisible or the Right of nations to self-determination
Even at the 1922th Party Congress in XNUMX, many delegates, most of whom came from various Ukrainian outskirts, proposed creating a single and indivisible Soviet Republic, repeating the slogan of the White Guards (one of the main slogans of the White movement was "Russia is one, great and indivisible"). Soviet Russia was to consist only of provinces and regions. Another group of communists, which included Stalin, proposed creating only autonomous republics and regions within a single Russia.
On September 24, 1922, Stalin wrote to Lenin:
Stalin noted that “The young generation of communists on the outskirts refuses to accept the game of independence as a game, stubbornly accepting the words about independence at face value and also demanding that we implement the letter of the constitution of the independent republics…”.
Lenin angrily attacked the supporters of "autonomization". He believed that equality between the republics was not enough, and that greater care was needed for the small nations that were in the Russian "prison of nations". It is worth noting that Ulyanov-Lenin had a very poor understanding of the national question, playing into the hands of the internationalist Trotskyists. He did not understand that in Ukraine, Georgia, Kazakhstan and other republics, people spoke dozens of languages and dialects. And now everyone was forced to learn Ukrainian, Georgian, Kazakh and other titular languages, which created even greater discrimination than under the "damned tsarism" and "Russian colonialism".
In particular, the Russification of the Ukrainian outskirts only raised the spiritual, cultural and material level of the local population. But indigenization in the national republics only contributed to the general decline in the level of culture.
This did not stop the Bolsheviks. In April 1923, at the XNUMXth Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), they proclaimed a policy of indigenization aimed at replacing the Russian language and culture in the union republics with the languages and cultures of representatives of national minorities. This was presented under the slogan of fighting “Great Russian chauvinism,” which was associated with the “damned tsarist past.”
The main denouncers of Great Russian chauvinism and supporters of Ukrainization were Grigory Zinoviev (Radomyslsky), Nikolai Skripnik (Skrypnik) and Nikolai Bukharin (before the revolution he lived under the name Moisha Dolgolevsky). The participants of the congress quite consciously and persistently supported Ukrainian culture as opposed to Russian culture.
Zinoviev said:
In March 1924, one of the leaders of the Ukrainian national movement, the chairman of the Ukrainian Central Rada, the "father of Ukrainian history" Mykhailo Hrushevsky, arrived in Soviet Russia from exile, followed by other Ukrainian nationalists. Hrushevsky was elected a full member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. He republished the "History of Ukraine-Rus", where Kievan Rus was viewed as a form of Ukrainian statehood and the ethnogenetic and cultural differences between the Ukrainian and Russian peoples were proclaimed.
The first secretaries of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Emmanuel Kviring (1923-1925) and Lazar Kaganovich (1925-1928), pursued an active policy of Ukrainization. The emphasis was on school. The number of schools with instruction in Ukrainian grew rapidly, while the number of Russian schools rapidly decreased.
The weakness and artificiality of the Ukrainian chimera, and the fact that the Russian language and culture were at the core of Little Russia-Ukraine, are demonstrated by the following fact. Thus, the report of the Kyiv Provincial Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine stated that after a year and a half of Ukrainization, the level of knowledge of the Ukrainian language by employees of various institutions in the province was as follows: 25% of those checked did not know the Ukrainian language at all, 30% knew almost nothing, 30,5% knew it poorly, and only 14,5% knew the Ukrainian language more or less.
At the same time, a significant percentage of those who absolutely do not know, almost do not know, and have a weak knowledge of the Ukrainian language were formally “Ukrainians.” That is, Russians-Little Russians who were directly registered as “Ukrainians.”
The “Ukrainians” (Russians who were registered as Ukrainians) stubbornly refused to learn their “native language.”
To be continued ...
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