Streets of Berlin after the end of the war
This article continues the consideration of the political and social situation in a very difficult time - the period after the end of the bloody November revolution in Germany and the Weimar Republic, which had just begun to take its first steps.
War invalid on a Berlin street
The new democratic order established in Germany after the November Revolution was not accepted by the regular military, since for the generals and officers of the surviving Reichswehr, Wilhelm II, who left the country, still remained the personification of the power of Germany.
People in need for free food
For the generals and officers of the Reichswehr, the newly created Weimar Republic, with its elements of democracy, was unnatural in nature, and they looked at it as an organization of state administration alien to them, with which neither they nor Germany had any historical and deep connections.
Free food distribution on the streets of Berlin
The German military, with the exception of General Wilhelm Groener (1867–1939), did not approve of the establishment of a republic and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, although they swore an oath to the new government to maintain a democratic order. However, the Reichswehr, which, according to the new German constitution, was subordinate only to the president, actually remained uncontrolled and eventually turned into an independent and active political force that secretly opposed the democratic system of the Weimar Republic and talked about a stab in the back*, arguing that Germany lost the war only because all the efforts of the Reichswehr were undermined by rootless populist left politicians in the rear.
Illustration of a stab in the back in the German press
The German military was a serious political force in the new democratic republic and had a significant impact on the socio-political life in the country. And even despite the constitutional ban for people in military uniform on any political activity and the so-called construction policy declared by the generals. "apolitical Reichswehr", the officer corps was forced to interact with the political life of Weimar Germany. This was required by the need to represent the interests of the armed forces in the Reichstag and the government.
Meeting of the government of the Weimar Republic
After the November Revolution and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, the German military, Junkers and some circles of the big bourgeoisie believed that it was necessary to create a new government in Germany, which should openly embark on the path of canceling the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, shameful for Germany, and not allow the reduction of its armed forces. This group also advocated the restoration of the military-industrial potential of Germany.
Reichswehr soldiers and Freikorps volunteers on the streets of Berlin
A large Prussian landowner (Junker) Wolfgang Kapp, director of the East Prussian Land Bank and one of the leaders of the Pan-German Union, who took an extremely revanchist position, was scheduled to head such a government, and the headquarters of the Berlin-Brandenburg military district was chosen as the source of the upcoming rebellion, headed by General Walther von Lüttwitz (1859–1942).
Wolfgang Kapp (left) and Walter von Lüttwitz (right)
The immediate reason for the putsch was the reduction of the armed forces and the liquidation of volunteer corps (Freikorps) under the terms of the Versailles Peace Treaty.**. By the beginning of 1920, the German army (Reichswehr) numbered, according to German official data, 400 thousand people, and by July 1920 it had to be reduced to 100 thousand people. The government of F. Ebert, following the path of the "policy of implementation", agreed with the demand of the allies to reduce the Reichswehr to the amount prescribed by the treaty.
First Reich President of Germany F. Ebert
This position of the government and Reich President F. Ebert regarding the strict observance of all the conditions of the Versailles Peace Treaty, and hence the massive reduction of the German armed forces, and the dissolution of most of the volunteer detachments, led to a confrontation between the central government and the anti-government military. Many regular military and Freikorps volunteers considered this a betrayal by the government.
Reichswehr soldiers and Freikorps volunteers on the streets of Berlin
Such friction with the authorities caused sharp discontent in military circles and served as a pretext for a speech known as the Kapp Putsch (Kapp-Lutwitz Putsch).
This rebellion of the military and volunteer corps had a very serious impact on the foreign policy position of the young Weimar Republic. On the one hand, he showed the victorious countries, the former allies in the Entente, the German determination to implement the Treaty of Versailles, on the other hand, the weakness of the existing form of government in Germany and the real danger of coming to power of circles opposed to the treaty.
Berlin streets
And if the Spartacus uprising (January uprising), which broke out in 1919, happened at a time of great instability and the world war that had just ended, was only the first test of the young republic and the newly created social democratic government, then the military putsch of March 1920 became alarming a signal for the government, which failed to show decisiveness and firmness at the right time.
Free food distribution on the streets of Berlin
Home
So, on March 10, 1920, the commander-in-chief of the Reichswehr in Berlin, General Walther von Lütwitz, came to the Reich President F. Ebert and presented him with an ultimatum, demanding to disperse the Reichstag, call new presidential elections, abandon the upcoming Reichswehr reduction, stop the transfer of equipment and weapons to the Entente and dismiss him from the Reichswehr generals loyal to the Weimar Republic.
Reichswehr soldiers and Freikorps volunteers on the streets of Berlin
F. Ebert refused to comply with these demands, but for some reason did not give the order to arrest the conspirators, and in the late evening of March 12, 1920, 5 soldiers from the Volunteer Brigade (Freikorps) under the command of Hermann Ehrhardt (000-1881) - a brigade that should be disbanded first in accordance with the Versailles restrictions - launched an offensive against Berlin. No wonder that General V. Luttwitz found full support and understanding from G. Ehrhardt. Among the military leaders, only General Reinhard was ready to oppose the putschists.
Hermann Erhardt (1881–1971)
The leaders of the Reichswehr, summoned to F. Ebert - the head of the military administration (disguised General Staff), General Hans von Sect and Major Kurt von Schleicher, who served as a link between the army and the politicians of the Weimar Republic - stated that
"The Reichswehr will not fight against the Reichswehr."
Thus, the government troops offered no resistance, and on March 13 the conspirators entered the capital without hindrance.
Hans von Seeckt (left) and Kurt von Schleicher (right)
Seizure of power
Reichswehr and Freikorps on the streets of Berlin. The swastika appears for the first time
Defense Minister Gustav Noske had only 2 men to resist the putschists. Mr. Noske tried to contact the police and security personnel, but they themselves joined the coup.
Defense Minister of the Weimar Republic Gustav Noske
The putschists occupied government buildings and announced the formation of a government headed by Wolfgang Kapp and Walter von Luttwitz. The new government annulled the Weimar constitution and dissolved parliament.
Putschists on the streets of Berlin
The complete seizure of power by the putschists, carried out on the morning of March 13, 1920 in Berlin, did not meet with any resistance - everything happened easily and bloodlessly.
This was stated by the self-proclaimed Reich Chancellor Wolfgang Kapp in his first address to the people, who then invited Kaiser Wilhelm II to return from the Netherlands to resume his post as emperor.
Putschists on the streets of Berlin
The Social Democratic government, not recognizing its deposition, evacuated to the west of the country, first to Dresden, and then finally stopped in Stuttgart, trying to stop the putsch from there, and called on the Berlin workers to strike.
Such helplessness of state administration in the recently created Weimar Republic at that moment was not accidental. The state authorities refused to function, and not yet firmly on its feet
the administrative machine gave serious failures, and the defenselessness of the authorities became an actual fact. Parts of the army and police, located in the eastern regions of Germany, not only remained inactive, but in some cases went over to the side of the rebels.
Putschists could be found among many sections of the civilian population in many parts of Germany. However, common to all of them was a principled anti-government attitude and right-wing ideological orientation.
rebellion resistance
Later, the Reich President of the German Republic, Friedrich Ebert, sent an appeal to the population asking for help in the fight against the nationalist uprising. He called on the nation to oppose the putschists:
"Beat! Quit your job and strangle this military dictatorship! Fight with anyone weaponsto save the Republic! Put aside any division. There is only one means to achieve this goal: the paralysis of all economic life. Not a single hand should move, the worker should not help the military dictatorship. General strike across the line! Proletarians, unite!
Berlin newspaper of those days
However, this confrontation did not result in an open confrontation with the use of weapons, and the problem of the rebellion was resolved differently: with the help of agitation and a general political strike announced by the fled government and trade unions.
Leaflet dated 13 March 1920 calling for a strike
Unlike the Social Democratic government that had fled to Stuttgart, the leaders of the German trade unions refused to flee, and the German trade union and politician Karl Legien called on the workers to go on a general strike.
As Chris Harman, author of The Lost Revolution (1982), noted:
“The call had an immediate effect. It was sent out at 11 am on the day of the coup, on Saturday 13 March. By noon the strike had already begun. Its effects were felt throughout the capital for 24 hours, despite the fact that it was Sunday. There were no trains, no electricity or gas. Kapp issued a decree threatening to shoot the strikers. It didn't work. By Monday, the strike is spreading all over the country - in the Ruhr, Saxony, Hamburg, Bremen, Bavaria, the industrial villages of Thuringia, even in the landlord estates of rural Prussia.
Putschists on the streets of Berlin
It became obvious that the new regime was meeting strong opposition among the German population, and the reaction of parts of the Reichswehr outside Berlin expected by the new authorities was ambiguous: some supported the coup, while others remained loyal to the government of F. Ebert, and still others were waiting for how it would all turn out.
Many regions of Germany refused to recognize the authority of the government of W. Kapp, in places even battles broke out between army units and anti-militarist left-wingers. Within a short time, despite the absence of newspapers, word of a general strike had spread, and the stoppage of work in Berlin had become almost universal.
Trams did not run, and by noon the movement of buses and metro stopped. In the evening it was dark in the city, and all hotels and restaurants were closed. There was no gas, electricity or even water; newspapers were not published, only telephone communication remained.
This led to the collapse of the putsch, which officially ended at XNUMX p.m. on Wednesday, in less than five days, and the restoration of the Weimar government. After that, Wolfgang Kapp announced his resignation and fled to Sweden, and the power of the government of F. Ebert was soon restored throughout the country.
Louis L. Snyder, an American scientist who was a firsthand witness to this rebellion, stated:
"The strike was effective because without water, gas, electricity and transport, Berlin was paralyzed."
And Richard M. Watt, author of The Departure of the Kings: The Tragedy of Germany—Versailles and the German Revolution (1973), writes:
"The Kapp Putsch was brought to an end by the combination of Chancellor Kapp's utter incompetence and the astonishing effectiveness of the general strike called for by the socialists."
Wolfgang Kapp flees on a plane
This coup electrified the whole country. From Berlin, the strike spontaneously spread through the Ruhr, Central Germany and reached Bavaria. The countermovement was such that in almost every city and town the military was driven out by massive demonstrations by workers and the middle class.
Ruhr uprising
In response to the armed takeover of Berlin by the Kapp putschists, a general strike broke out in the Ruhr, where the workers of the Ruhr issued demands that went beyond the republican goals and the general strike.
From March 10 to March 21, there were fights between workers and putschists in the Ruhr. Detachments of the Red Army began to spontaneously form in the region, the number of which reached 80 thousand people, fully equipped with modern weapons and artillery. And already on March 19, Red Army units completely occupied the city of Essen and put the Reichswehr to flight. And these armed workers, who had succeeded in driving out the Freikorps and the Reichswehr forces, now refused to lay down their arms, as demanded by the central government.
The new coalition government, under the leadership of Social Democratic Party member Hermann Müller, decided to send government troops, who had previously refused to fight Kapp, to restore order in the Ruhr, which they did, willingly and with great brutality.
April 2-3 parts of the Reichswehr (more than 100 thousand people), police and freikorps with the support aviation and armored cars crushed the resistance of the weakly armed Red Army.
Herman Müller
At the same time, government troops lost about 250 people, while workers lost several thousand. And hundreds more were executed.
Information
*Legend of the stab in the back (Dolchstosslegende) - a conspiracy theory that existed in the Weimar Republic, explaining the defeat of Germany in the First World War by circumstances not of a military, but of an internal political nature. According to this statement, the German army emerged from the war undefeated, but received a "stab in the back" from the Jews and socialists in their homeland.
**Freikorps (free corps, volunteer corps). A paramilitary and independent patriotic unit made up of volunteer soldiers who oppose both the communists and the republic.