Transfer of power in Chinese, or Hu from Mr Xi?
After the results of the presidential elections in the United States of America became known, world attention shifted to China. The XVIII Congress of the Communist Party conducts its work here, after which the name of the new leader of the Middle Kingdom will be known. Moreover, if the main intrigue of elections in the American way is the question: “Democrat or Republican?”, Then the intrigue in Chinese looks something like this: “we know who, but we are afraid to jinx it ...”
And in fact, in fact, the name of the replacement of the current Secretary General of the CPC Central Committee, Hu Jintao, became known to the public long before the elective congress began in Beijing. This man's name is Xi Jinping. But there is one nuance in the modern Chinese political system, and it is this: will Xi Jinping pursue the same policy that the previous generation of Chinese leaders followed before him?
First you need to touch the personality of Xi Jinping. And how do they like to ask in the West: Hu from Mr. Xi?
And Xi Jinping is a hereditary politician. He was born in 1953 in the Chinese capital. By the standards of the People’s Republic of China he is a young politician. By decision of the congress, he will head the Chinese Communist Party at a time when his age will be 59 4 years. For comparison, Hu Jintao became General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee at the age of 59 years 10 months, Jiang Zemin - almost 64 years, Zhao Ziyang - almost 67 years, Hu Yaobang - 65 years, etc. In general, based on such arithmetic, Xi Jinping “risks” becoming China’s “youngest” leader in all the past decades.
It is noteworthy that Xi Jinping is directly related to the so-called revolutionary dynasty. His father was a prominent Chinese politician who belonged to the first generation of the country's communist leadership. Si Junjun (father of a potential head of the PRC) was one of Mao Zedong’s main associates.
If C-junior's childhood can be considered cloudless, then in his youth he had to experience the punitive sword of the Communist Party, whose new leaders accused his father of political apostasy and even anti-party conspiracy. S-senior, as well as members of his family, was waiting for the link. CJ found himself in such conditions that for him, a resident of the capital city, seemed simply incredible (in a negative context). According to Xi Jinping himself, he had to live in a village in which residents fought not only for the harvest, but also for their survival. Poverty was truly terrifying, and therefore 5 years spent in exile for CJ turned out to be a real school of life.
He believes that it was this difficult period in his life that helped him finally realize that one cannot be penalized for life under any circumstances, and always go towards the goal set before him. The link showed Xi Jinping the life of ordinary Chinese peasants, and it is this fact in his biography that most positively sets hundreds of millions of ordinary Chinese citizens to the future leader of the Celestial Empire. No matter how pathetic it may seem, but the Chinese, despite the fact that Xi Jinping is related to an imperious dynasty, consider him to be their man. With such support, you can not be afraid of any rough edges when making decisions at the congress.
In 1974, Xi Jinping was allowed to return to the capital, while his father was serving a prison sentence at this time. Si-junior graduated from Beijing Tsinghua University with a degree in chemical engineering. Since then, his career began to go uphill, which did not prevent even the presence of a very serious article on Chinese standards, his father.
In 1979, he gets a position in the office of the State Council of China, in 1983, he becomes secretary of the Communist Party Committee in one of the counties of Hebei Province, and in 1985, he is deputy head of the city of Xiamen. Then, almost every year, he goes one hierarchical step higher, and finally, in 2008, he becomes the Deputy Chairman of the People's Republic of China, the second largest post in modern China.
It turns out that even 4 a year ago, it was Xi Jinping who appeared to be one of the most likely leaders of the new generation of Chinese political elites. And after the corruption scandal related to Bo Xilai’s name broke out, there was very little doubt about the appointment of Xi Jinping to the post of General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee.
So, starting from the fact that Xi Jinping becomes the new General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, and then the new Chairman of the People's Republic of China, it is worth paying attention to what course he can lead the Celestial. However, in this case, the pragmatic Chinese thought out everything to the smallest detail and in advance. Such words are confirmed by the almost one and a half hour speech by the current head of China, Hu Jintao. He did not just make a speech on duty to the audience, but also methodically narrated about the course in which the new generation of Chinese leaders should work. In other words, the current leader, appealing to all more than 2 th thousands of delegates to the congress, actually turned to his potential changer. These words were either parting words or the obvious order of Xi Jinping in terms of the implementation of the party’s program. Most likely, for China, both of these statuses (parting words and orders) in this case merge together, and as a result, what is called political continuity is born.
Hu Jintao talked a lot about various things. The keynote of his speech was the words that China should be able to cope with the new political and economic challenges that today form the geopolitical structure. Hu Jintao also touched upon the very acute question for the modern Celestial Empire about whether to continue mentioning the general course based on the teachings of Mao Zedong and Marxism-Leninism in the development of the country. Many representatives of the new Chinese formation believed and continue to believe that the political generation coming to power, led by Xi Jinping, for more active development should abandon the above indicated exercises. But the current Chinese leader dotted the “i” in ideological priorities and said that it is necessary to work within the framework of the Marxist teachings in accordance with the development model developed by Mao.
These words provoked a positive reaction from those who favor compulsory and 100% continuity of the political course, but there are many in China who see the continuation of the confident development of the PRC in new economic approaches based on liberal principles. Obviously, Xi Jinping will have to solve this issue in the very near future, because if you stop at, say, a conserved ideology (including economic), then we can expect stagnation, a precursor of which is a slight slowdown in the growth of the PRC financial system. If, as they say, to start chopping down the shoulders and transfer the economy to a liberal course, then we can expect even worse consequences. In general, the decision is for the new political leadership of the Middle Kingdom.
In the speech of Hu Jintao there were also words related to the foreign policy of the state. In particular, the current Chairman of the People's Republic of China stated that China’s military potential should be strengthened in order to be able to defend various kinds of encroachment on the integrity and independence of the country. These words sounded against the background of another hysteria related to the self-immolations of several activists of the movement for the separation of Tibet from China. Western media immediately called the suicides victims of the struggle for freedom and democracy, and official Beijing, as always, reacted calmly, calling such conflicting actions attempts by external forces to influence Chinese politics.
Hu Jintao noted that Beijing should begin an active dialogue with Taipei (the administrative center of Taiwan). And if earlier the Chinese authorities often stated that they could deliver a military strike on the “rebel island” if its position was far from that of Beijing, then today the position of the official authorities looks more diplomatic. And so that nobody misunderstood his words, the Chairman of the People's Republic of China stressed that negotiations with Taiwan should be conducted exclusively in the format of the ownership of the island of the People’s Republic of China. By this he made it clear to both the future leader and the authorities of Taiwan that it was time to intensify the dialogue, but it was time to forget about the island’s independence. "We will never submit to any pressure from outside," he drew a line under the "Taiwanese" theme of Hu Jintao’s speech.
He put Hu Jintao and another task before his successor Xi Jinping. He said that by 2020, China’s per capita GDP should double in size, giving rise to the so-called middle-class society (the Chinese middle class). It is quite possible to solve this problem of the PRC only if the growth rate of the Chinese economy does not decline. However, here again, China’s global involvement in the international financial structure, as well as the country's energy efficiency, looms. It is energy stability that can not only preserve, but also increase the pace of production in the PRC.
A serious blow to the Chinese economy here could be a military conflict of the West against Iran, from which hydrocarbons flow into the PRC. If a blow is struck at Iranian nuclear facilities, then world oil prices will soar extremely high, which may force China to resort to the use of reserve storages. But after all, the vaults are not bottomless, and even a few months of oil rush can push the economy of the Middle Kingdom backwards. True, in this case, the Chinese themselves understand perfectly well that if the West or Israel unleashes a war against Iran, the West itself, the economy of which is also far from free from the oil market conjuncture, will not have a sweet time either. What is new global deterrence? ..
In general, the new Chinese leader will have to solve many of the most complicated tasks that China has faced in recent years. Obviously, the acquired status of a superpower will no longer allow the next head of China, Xi Jinping, to turn a blind eye to new challenges. In this regard, for the leader of a new generation of Chinese politicians who are ready to enter into power, the main thing is the ability to stay in the saddle, not to fly out of it on economic and geopolitical potholes. The potential for this, obviously, is considerable.
And in fact, in fact, the name of the replacement of the current Secretary General of the CPC Central Committee, Hu Jintao, became known to the public long before the elective congress began in Beijing. This man's name is Xi Jinping. But there is one nuance in the modern Chinese political system, and it is this: will Xi Jinping pursue the same policy that the previous generation of Chinese leaders followed before him?
First you need to touch the personality of Xi Jinping. And how do they like to ask in the West: Hu from Mr. Xi?
And Xi Jinping is a hereditary politician. He was born in 1953 in the Chinese capital. By the standards of the People’s Republic of China he is a young politician. By decision of the congress, he will head the Chinese Communist Party at a time when his age will be 59 4 years. For comparison, Hu Jintao became General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee at the age of 59 years 10 months, Jiang Zemin - almost 64 years, Zhao Ziyang - almost 67 years, Hu Yaobang - 65 years, etc. In general, based on such arithmetic, Xi Jinping “risks” becoming China’s “youngest” leader in all the past decades.
It is noteworthy that Xi Jinping is directly related to the so-called revolutionary dynasty. His father was a prominent Chinese politician who belonged to the first generation of the country's communist leadership. Si Junjun (father of a potential head of the PRC) was one of Mao Zedong’s main associates.
If C-junior's childhood can be considered cloudless, then in his youth he had to experience the punitive sword of the Communist Party, whose new leaders accused his father of political apostasy and even anti-party conspiracy. S-senior, as well as members of his family, was waiting for the link. CJ found himself in such conditions that for him, a resident of the capital city, seemed simply incredible (in a negative context). According to Xi Jinping himself, he had to live in a village in which residents fought not only for the harvest, but also for their survival. Poverty was truly terrifying, and therefore 5 years spent in exile for CJ turned out to be a real school of life.
He believes that it was this difficult period in his life that helped him finally realize that one cannot be penalized for life under any circumstances, and always go towards the goal set before him. The link showed Xi Jinping the life of ordinary Chinese peasants, and it is this fact in his biography that most positively sets hundreds of millions of ordinary Chinese citizens to the future leader of the Celestial Empire. No matter how pathetic it may seem, but the Chinese, despite the fact that Xi Jinping is related to an imperious dynasty, consider him to be their man. With such support, you can not be afraid of any rough edges when making decisions at the congress.
In 1974, Xi Jinping was allowed to return to the capital, while his father was serving a prison sentence at this time. Si-junior graduated from Beijing Tsinghua University with a degree in chemical engineering. Since then, his career began to go uphill, which did not prevent even the presence of a very serious article on Chinese standards, his father.
In 1979, he gets a position in the office of the State Council of China, in 1983, he becomes secretary of the Communist Party Committee in one of the counties of Hebei Province, and in 1985, he is deputy head of the city of Xiamen. Then, almost every year, he goes one hierarchical step higher, and finally, in 2008, he becomes the Deputy Chairman of the People's Republic of China, the second largest post in modern China.
It turns out that even 4 a year ago, it was Xi Jinping who appeared to be one of the most likely leaders of the new generation of Chinese political elites. And after the corruption scandal related to Bo Xilai’s name broke out, there was very little doubt about the appointment of Xi Jinping to the post of General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee.
So, starting from the fact that Xi Jinping becomes the new General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, and then the new Chairman of the People's Republic of China, it is worth paying attention to what course he can lead the Celestial. However, in this case, the pragmatic Chinese thought out everything to the smallest detail and in advance. Such words are confirmed by the almost one and a half hour speech by the current head of China, Hu Jintao. He did not just make a speech on duty to the audience, but also methodically narrated about the course in which the new generation of Chinese leaders should work. In other words, the current leader, appealing to all more than 2 th thousands of delegates to the congress, actually turned to his potential changer. These words were either parting words or the obvious order of Xi Jinping in terms of the implementation of the party’s program. Most likely, for China, both of these statuses (parting words and orders) in this case merge together, and as a result, what is called political continuity is born.
Hu Jintao talked a lot about various things. The keynote of his speech was the words that China should be able to cope with the new political and economic challenges that today form the geopolitical structure. Hu Jintao also touched upon the very acute question for the modern Celestial Empire about whether to continue mentioning the general course based on the teachings of Mao Zedong and Marxism-Leninism in the development of the country. Many representatives of the new Chinese formation believed and continue to believe that the political generation coming to power, led by Xi Jinping, for more active development should abandon the above indicated exercises. But the current Chinese leader dotted the “i” in ideological priorities and said that it is necessary to work within the framework of the Marxist teachings in accordance with the development model developed by Mao.
These words provoked a positive reaction from those who favor compulsory and 100% continuity of the political course, but there are many in China who see the continuation of the confident development of the PRC in new economic approaches based on liberal principles. Obviously, Xi Jinping will have to solve this issue in the very near future, because if you stop at, say, a conserved ideology (including economic), then we can expect stagnation, a precursor of which is a slight slowdown in the growth of the PRC financial system. If, as they say, to start chopping down the shoulders and transfer the economy to a liberal course, then we can expect even worse consequences. In general, the decision is for the new political leadership of the Middle Kingdom.
In the speech of Hu Jintao there were also words related to the foreign policy of the state. In particular, the current Chairman of the People's Republic of China stated that China’s military potential should be strengthened in order to be able to defend various kinds of encroachment on the integrity and independence of the country. These words sounded against the background of another hysteria related to the self-immolations of several activists of the movement for the separation of Tibet from China. Western media immediately called the suicides victims of the struggle for freedom and democracy, and official Beijing, as always, reacted calmly, calling such conflicting actions attempts by external forces to influence Chinese politics.
Hu Jintao noted that Beijing should begin an active dialogue with Taipei (the administrative center of Taiwan). And if earlier the Chinese authorities often stated that they could deliver a military strike on the “rebel island” if its position was far from that of Beijing, then today the position of the official authorities looks more diplomatic. And so that nobody misunderstood his words, the Chairman of the People's Republic of China stressed that negotiations with Taiwan should be conducted exclusively in the format of the ownership of the island of the People’s Republic of China. By this he made it clear to both the future leader and the authorities of Taiwan that it was time to intensify the dialogue, but it was time to forget about the island’s independence. "We will never submit to any pressure from outside," he drew a line under the "Taiwanese" theme of Hu Jintao’s speech.
He put Hu Jintao and another task before his successor Xi Jinping. He said that by 2020, China’s per capita GDP should double in size, giving rise to the so-called middle-class society (the Chinese middle class). It is quite possible to solve this problem of the PRC only if the growth rate of the Chinese economy does not decline. However, here again, China’s global involvement in the international financial structure, as well as the country's energy efficiency, looms. It is energy stability that can not only preserve, but also increase the pace of production in the PRC.
A serious blow to the Chinese economy here could be a military conflict of the West against Iran, from which hydrocarbons flow into the PRC. If a blow is struck at Iranian nuclear facilities, then world oil prices will soar extremely high, which may force China to resort to the use of reserve storages. But after all, the vaults are not bottomless, and even a few months of oil rush can push the economy of the Middle Kingdom backwards. True, in this case, the Chinese themselves understand perfectly well that if the West or Israel unleashes a war against Iran, the West itself, the economy of which is also far from free from the oil market conjuncture, will not have a sweet time either. What is new global deterrence? ..
In general, the new Chinese leader will have to solve many of the most complicated tasks that China has faced in recent years. Obviously, the acquired status of a superpower will no longer allow the next head of China, Xi Jinping, to turn a blind eye to new challenges. In this regard, for the leader of a new generation of Chinese politicians who are ready to enter into power, the main thing is the ability to stay in the saddle, not to fly out of it on economic and geopolitical potholes. The potential for this, obviously, is considerable.
Information