Take out furniture, furniture ...
Recall that the November 6, exactly on the eve of the October Revolution 95 anniversary of the October Revolution, Vladimir Putin made a truly revolutionary decision for modern Russia: he dismissed Mr Serdyukov from the post of defense minister of the Russian Federation and almost immediately announced the appointment of Sergei Shoigu to the vacant ministerial post. The revolutionary shift in the Ministry of Defense literally plunged Russia into a general discussion of what is connected with the presidential decision regarding Anatoly Serdyukov. People began to discuss what had affected the head of state, who decided to sign a paper on the termination of Serdyukov’s powers as minister of defense and the removal of this man from the country's Security Council.
Naturally, the first in the list of general punctures of the already former minister is the sensational case of the holding company of the Defense Ministry “Oboronservis”. The “Military Review” has already raised the topic of how, through a number of dummy firms, from the military budget leaked in an incomprehensible (or rather, quite understandable) direction, as much as 3 billion rubles. Oboronservis was engaged in selling real estate objects belonging to the Ministry of Defense at radically reduced prices to affiliated companies, after which the company could dispose of the buildings “bought” from itself as it pleased a narrow circle of people.
This information raised a wave of public interest, because the fraud case involved people who, in their official duties, were close to the Minister of Defense himself. It turns out that either all the dirty scams were held behind Anatoly Serdyukov’s back, or the minister himself, to put it mildly, turned a blind eye to everything.
As it is known, when representatives of the investigating authorities rushed into the apartment of the ex-head of the property department of the Ministry of Defense Yevgenia Vasilyeva and began to search the apartment, Serdyukov immediately rushed to the president in Novo-Ogaryovo. Then, at least for the press, it was reported that the minister would contribute as much as possible to the investigation. True, in this case, not everyone believed that Anatoly Eduardovich would follow the path of complete openness in communicating with investigators. There were opinions that if Serdyukov, even after such a large-scale corruption scandal, remains at the ministerial post, then all the words about the fight against corruption in Russia are just worthless.
Obviously, realizing that the presence of Mr. Serdyukov in the ministerial chair after such a resonant incident could put a fat blob on all the anti-corruption aspirations of the highest federal authorities, Vladimir Putin decided to dismiss the seemingly unsinkable minister. There is a version that Serdyukov himself either declared the need for his resignation when he came to Novo-Ogaryovo to Putin from the apartment of one of the main figures in the Oboronservis case, Evgenia Vasilyeva, or Putin brought to the attention of Anatoly Eduardovich that it would be better start looking for another job. In general, we dare to assume that Serdyukov knew about Putin’s decision from 6 in November 2012, a few days before that. After all, it would be strange to think that such decisions are taken overnight, and without the knowledge of those towards whom they are directed.
This is indirectly confirmed by the fact that both President Putin and Prime Minister Medvedev, commenting on the resignation of Anatoly Serdyukov, thanked him for quite a long and fruitful work at the ministerial post and said that he had done quite a lot to modernize the Russian army.
At the same time, a number of political analysts in the dismissal of Anatoly Serdyukov see the possibility of a unique precedent for Russia. This precedent may consist in the heightened interest of the investigating authorities in the activities of Anatoly Eduardovich himself as the head of the defense department. The idea is that now Serdyukov is not exposed by the authorities, which means that the Investigation Committee may, as they say, take the ex-minister’s jacket for the lapels in the case of Oboronservis itself. So far, the press service of the RF IC speaks of the former minister as a witness, but if investigators have any other questions to him, then Mr. Serdyukov may not get rid of the witness status in this case.
But if the investigating authorities really start working with enviable zeal, not paying attention to the ranks, titles and titles, then Mr. Serdyukov may well be already a citizen of the investigative. And in order to emerge more or less dry from such a muddy fashion, Anatoly Eduardovich will have, as it is called, to merge his former subordinates, who allegedly carried out all financial and economic operations without his knowledge, in full. If this is the case, then the question of how the Minister of Defense would allow himself to work in such a way that such dark things were happening behind his back would lose relevance. He loses this issue of urgency, since Serdyukov is no longer a minister at all, for supposedly fired ... It turns out that the resignation is most likely not at all aimed at giving the Fas! Command to Anatoly Eduardovich, but the only option for salvation from real criminal prosecution. They say that the minister was not to blame - it was all of his surroundings, which put blinders on Anatoly Eduardovich and forced him to go in a strictly defined direction ...
But, but what if you still assume that for Serdyukov will take after his resignation for real. The probability, of course, is ghostly small, but you can still look at the situation. If the RF IC starts “digging the ground”, it turns out to be quite an interesting picture: the top leaders of the state secretly give up “the horse from the crossing” to the hands of the “butchers” ... Is Serdyukov the first victim of such large-scale backstage intrigues?
And if no orders were received from above, then really our investigating authorities have become so independent that they can bring the case to the end, even if it concerns the illegal activities of such large-scale figures of Russian politics. I would like to believe that this is the case, but here faith somehow dissolves too quickly in a political fog.
By the way, what are we talking about the situation with Oboronservis, as if there were no other reasons why Serdyukov was fired from his post? Were, were ...
Many expected that the minister would stop being a minister even when Dmitry Medvedev's Cabinet was being approved. Not everyone put in the merit of the Minister of Defense that he actually began building the Russian army from scratch and that the level of money allowances for servicemen increased, if not by a factor, then quite substantially. People first of all (which coincides with aspects of psychology) paid attention to political minuses in the work of the minister.
One of these drawbacks was the inability of the Minister to establish effective work on the procurement of new units. weapons from manufacturers. In the press, the regular disruption of the State Defense Order, the displacement of terms, the inability to negotiate a price with defense industry enterprises were constantly discussed. This obviously struck at the prestige of the Ministry of Defense and gave rise to discussions that Minister Serdyukov either sabotaged presidential and premier decisions on modernization areas, or was simply unable to take serious measures to implement them.
By the way, in December 2011 of the year in order to help the country's defense department, which stalled while making decisions on the state defense order, was appointed a whole deputy prime minister - Dmitry Rogozin. The presence of this person in the Government allowed us to hope that it would be much easier for the Ministry of Defense to negotiate with the production workers. However, already at the first stages of work in a new bundle, differences emerged between Serdyukov and Rogozin. The first one either harbored a feeling of unfriendliness towards Russian weapons manufacturers who did not want to lower the price of their products, or had any other reasons, but often unreasonably stubbornly insisted on purchasing foreign units of military equipment for the needs of the Russian army. Rogozin had a different opinion on this matter: he often openly opposed Anatoly Serdyukov, stating that in specific cases it would be better to invest in the development of our own defense industry, rather than buying equipment that is significantly inferior to domestic manufacturers from foreign manufacturers.
Recently, Dmitry Rogozin himself told the press that there was a conflict between him and Serdyukov. Rogozin stressed that he and the former minister had different opinions on the formation of a defense order. As the saying goes, what was required to prove ...
So, "Oboronservis" - one time, blunders when working on the State Defense Order - two ...
The third puncture was voiced by the journalists of the Vedomosti newspaper, who are confident that Serdyukov has encroached on the territory that is forbidden to himself, or rather on the Federal Security Service. In particular, the publication states that it was Serdyukov who pushed Mr. Korolev into his own FSB security service, who was once an assistant minister of defense. The fact that a person from the Ministry of Defense will observe the work of the FSB, according to Vedomosti, was not at all liked by everyone in the FSB, so to speak. It is also reported here that, allegedly at the request of the FSB, the trial of the Oboronservis case was initiated, which in fact buried Serdyukov’s career as defense minister.
If you believe these reports, it turns out that the minister could still be at his post indefinitely if he had not decided to “introduce” his people into someone else’s patrimony. And if so, then, therefore, it is a science for all other state officials: to work within their framework and not do stupid things in terms of trying to control the birds of a completely different flight.
There are other punctures of Anatoly Serdyukov, which most are known even without painstaking journalistic investigations: delaying the solution of the problem of providing military personnel with housing, reducing the number of military universities, incomplete army servicemen and more.
In particular, Vladimir Putin had to blush more than once about the unresolved housing problem. In the course of one of the direct lines, Putin was asked when the issue of the full leveling of the queue of servicemen awaiting their apartment would be resolved. Putin had to resort to the art of eloquence in order to explain to the country that the problem is being solved, and, obviously, at the same time, with a kind word, remember Mr. Minister ...
It would seem that even then Serdyukov could write a resignation report, but this did not happen. More precisely - not quite. Anatoly Eduardovich very often publicly in the presence of top state leaders declared that he was ready to resign, but remained in a strange way in his chair even after very obvious flaws. That is what added the epithet “unsinkable” to Serdyukov.
But nothing lasts forever, as well as the status of Minister of Defense for Anatoly Serdyukov. Outwardly, this resignation looks quite positive for many of our fellow citizens, but in any case, the role of the ex-minister during the reform of the Russian army can be discussed after a certain period of time. It would be difficult to expect that a person who was entrusted with carrying out such a serious reform, requiring trillions of expenses, would do everything with jewelery accuracy and without any complaints. One thing is clear: Serdyukov did the dirty work, and now his personal future will depend on how much he has run into this mud. The main thing is that the future of the Russian army is not as vague as the future of the ex-minister ...
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