September 6 1872 met three emperors in Berlin: Wilhelm I, Franz Joseph I and Alexander II
6 September 1872 was the meeting of three emperors: Wilhelm I, Franz Joseph I and Alexander II. German, Austrian and Russian emperors gathered in Berlin, and the most prominent political figures of that era, the “Iron Chancellor” Otto von Bismarck, the Foreign Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Count Gyula Andrássy and the Russian Chancellor Alexander Gorchakov also took part in the meeting. Germany was interested in a "safe rear" in the face of Russia to continue the policy of pressure on France. Austria-Hungary wanted to enlist the support of Berlin in its Balkan policy and agree with Russia on the division of spheres of influence in this region. Russia faced the interests of Britain in the Middle East and Central and Central Asia, and therefore needed the support of Berlin and Vienna. The meeting lasted six days, the sovereigns promised each other that no differences would prevail over considerations of the highest order and promised to hold the peace in Europe. The Berlin meeting laid the foundations of the so-called "Union of Three Emperors", which was decorated the following year with a package of various contracts and existed until the middle of the 1880-s. The Union of Three Emperor is one of the missed opportunities of the strategic alliance and partnership of Russia and Germany, which could have initiated a different world order.
Rapprochement with Prussia
After the defeat in the Crimean War and the Paris Agreement of 1856, the Russian Empire was in a certain isolation. The uprising in Poland, which began in January 1863, further complicated Russia's international position. Most European powers initially adopted a wait-and-see attitude, only Prussia supported Russia. The head of the Prussian government, Bismarck, took energetic measures to prevent the uprising from spreading to the western Polish lands and began to establish cooperation with St. Petersburg. An independent Poland could become an ally of France (the French and Poles had strong historical communications), which did not suit Prussia.
General von Alfensleben was sent to Petersburg: January 27 (February 8) A convention on cooperation in suppressing an uprising was concluded between the two powers of the ball 1863. The agreement allowed the commanders of the Russian and Prussian troops to assist each other and, if necessary, pursuing insurgent detachments, to cross the border of the neighboring state.
The support of Prussia in the Polish question was timely, soon the Western powers took a number of steps in support of the Poles. The Western powers could not agree on a joint action against Russia, because they had different views on the Polish question. In particular, in Vienna they wanted to weaken the Russian empire, but were afraid of the spread of the Polish uprising on the territory of Galicia.
The strongest position was taken by London, the longtime enemy of Russia. In March, 1863, the British government, referring to the Vienna treatise 1815, proposed to restore the constitution in Poland and grant an amnesty to the rebels. Russia refused. Then the French emperor Napoleon III proposed a project for the creation of an independent Poland, but his proposal did not meet with support in Vienna. 5 (17) April London, Paris and Vienna sent notes to St. Petersburg, where they demanded to take measures "to prevent bloodshed in Poland." The most sharp was the English note, and the most moderate - the Austrian. Soon, the three great powers supported a number of smaller European countries. Prussia and several small German states refrained from censuring Russia.
In June, England, France and Austria repeated their collective demarche in favor of the Polish insurgents. They demanded reforms and proposed a European conference to consider the Polish problem. In response, the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Gorchakov, declared that the Polish uprising was an internal matter for the Russian Empire and could only be discussed with the participants in the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Austria and Prussia). In August, the Western powers again turned to Russia regarding the Polish uprising. Gorchakov promised to do everything possible to restore order in Poland.
In general, the "protection" of the Polish people by the Western powers was reduced to a demonstration of discontent, the West was not going to fight for Polish interests. However, the Polish question well revealed the balance of power in Europe. The hopes of St. Petersburg to help Paris in revising the Treaty of Paris collapsed, as did the cooperation of the two powers on the Balkan Peninsula. The problem of the future of the Balkan peoples confronted the interests of Russia and Austria. Russia's interests clashed with the British in the Middle East, Central and Central Asia. Only between Russia and Prussia there were no fundamental, serious contradictions, prerequisites for the rapprochement of the two great powers arose.
Petersburg did not interfere with the Prussian-Austrian coalition in the war against Denmark for the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, and took a neutral position in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. Gorchakov did not like the strengthening of Prussia, he cherished plans to establish cooperation with France, Russia's "natural ally". However, the actions of Paris itself, which wanted territorial gains for France at the expense of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and before that Napoleon III's position on the Polish uprising, destroyed these plans. In addition, a strong Prussia could become a strong counterweight to France and England, their "headache", which was in Russia's interests. After the Prussian army's victory over the Austrians at Sadovaya in July 1866, Russian Emperor Alexander II sent a congratulatory telegram to Berlin, where he expressed his desire to maintain agreement with Prussia and see it "strong, powerful, prosperous".
Prussia’s victory over Austria exacerbated the question of who Russia should be guided by. Some government circles adhered to pro-French positions. But Napoleon III refrained from specific promises about the revision of the terms of the Treaty of Paris and wanted to use the negotiations with Russia only to put pressure on Berlin to receive compensation for neutrality from him during the Austro-Prussian war. As a result, irritation of Gorchakov’s foreign policy and his pro-French sympathies grew in St. Petersburg. The head of the foreign affairs agency was forced to admit that "a serious and close agreement with Prussia is the best combination, if not the only one."
In the summer and autumn of 1866, visits to St. Petersburg were made by the adjutant general of the Prussian king Manteuffel and the Prussian crown prince. An agreement was reached that Berlin would support Russia in the abolition of the restrictive clauses of the Paris Peace Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea (Russia lost the right to have a naval base in the Black Sea). fleet, fortresses and arsenals), and the Russian government will not interfere with the creation of the North German Confederation led by Prussia.
Cancellation of the neutralization of the Black Sea and the Union of the Three Emperors
The confrontation on the Balkan Peninsula brought Russia closer to Prussia. So, in August 1866, a rebellion began in Turkish Crete, the rebels demanded to join the island to Greece. The Greek state asked Britain, France and Russia to take measures to protect the Cretans. Petersburg suggested that London and Paris undertake a joint demarche with the aim of transferring Crete to Greece. However, the Western powers did not support the proposal of the Russian Empire, and the Turks suppressed the uprising.
The uprising in Crete was the occasion for the creation of the Balkan Union, which included Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Romania. The initiator of the creation of the union was Serbia. The Balkan peoples hoped for the support of Russia in the struggle against the Turks. In St. Petersburg there was no consensus about the Balkan policy of Russia. Some, as the Russian ambassador to Constantinople, N. P. Ignatiev, were supporters of vigorous action in the Balkans. Ignatiev believed that the uprising in the Balkans will automatically lead to the fall of the restrictive articles of the Paris Treaty. Others, in particular Emperor Alexander II and Alexander Gorchakov, believed that it was necessary to act carefully, consistently.
It must be said that the Balkans have become for Russia a kind of “black hole” where people, resources and money went, and the return was minimal. Practically all the fruits of the victories of Russia in the Balkans were appropriated by other countries. In addition, the Balkans became a “trap” for Russia, with the help of which it was possible to force Russia to enter the war in defense of the “brothers”.
In April 1867, Russia initiated reforms in Turkey. In particular, it was proposed to grant autonomy to a number of Turkish provinces and establish local self-government in them. The Western powers did not support St. Petersburg's initiative. The only thing the Western powers agreed to was to liquidate the remaining Turkish fortresses on Serbian territory. England, France and Austria-Hungary thus wanted to prevent a pan-Balkan explosion and reduce Russia's influence in Serbia. Vienna and Paris believed that the collapse of the Ottoman Empire would lead to a serious strengthening of Russian positions in the Balkans, so they signed an agreement to preserve Turkey's existing position. The Balkan Union was destroyed by the efforts of the Western powers.
At that time, a clash of France and Prussia was brewing in Europe. Paris wanted to preserve the role of leader in Europe and prevent the unification of Germany led by Prussia. France stood in the way of the unification of the German lands. The victory of France in the war with Prussia was not beneficial to Russia. The French, together with the Austrians and the British, interfered with Petersburg in the Balkans. The success of France led to the strengthening of the "Crimean system" directed against the Russian Empire. The Franco-Prussian confrontation was objectively profitable for Russia, since it confronted the leading Western powers among themselves. Under these conditions, it was possible to cancel the restrictive articles of the Paris Treaty (Berlin was ready to provide support) and deal with internal problems. In April, 1867, Gorchakov again sounded out Berlin’s position on the revision of the Paris Treaty. The Russian minister pointed to the readiness of Russia, if the Austro-French alliance is formed, to become a “serious hardship” for Austria. Chancellor Bismarck said that "Prussia could support Russia's desire."
In February, 1868, Alexander II, in a letter to Wilhelm I, expressed a desire to “renew the agreement”, begun under Alexander I and Frederick Wilhelm III. The negotiations were conducted through the Russian ambassador in Berlin Ubri and the Prussian ambassador in Petersburg Reis. The main demand of Russia was to assist Prussia in canceling the neutralization of the Black Sea. Gorchakov also told Bismarck that Russia could not allow Austria to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bismarck promised to support the basic demand of Russia in exchange for benevolent neutrality during the Prussia-France war and a promise to fetter Austria-Hungary. Russia promised to send 100 thousand army to the Austrian border. In the case of Vienna’s speech on the French side, Petersburg did not exclude the possibility of occupying Galicia. As a result, the Prussian rear was provided with reliable support from Russia.
In July 1870, Paris, overestimating the combat readiness of its army and underestimating the power of the Prussian armed forces, declared war on Prussia. Petersburg declared neutrality, but informed Vienna and Paris that if Austria-Hungary entered the war, Russia could follow suit. As a result, Vienna adopted a wait-and-see attitude. The war ended with a brilliant victory for the Prussian army, whose soldiers were inspired by the idea of national reunification.
The time had come to cancel the Treaty of Paris. France, one of Russia's main enemies in the Crimean War of 1853-1856, had been defeated. Turkey was in crisis and would not have dared to start military action against Russia on its own. Austria-Hungary had recently lost the war (1866), was discouraged by the rapid rise of Prussia and its defeat in the struggle for influence in the German states, and therefore would not have risked putting up decisive resistance to Russia without France. Great Britain remained, but it was in a certain isolation at that time. It was necessary to act quickly, while Berlin supported Petersburg and the international situation was favorable. But there were many figures in Petersburg who believed that Gorchakov's intention was hasty and very risky. Thus, the Minister of Internal Affairs A. Timashev called this step "boyish bragging." However, the Tsar and Gorchakov considered such objections untenable. True, at the suggestion of the Minister of War D. Milyukov, they decided to limit themselves to a statement about the cancellation of the neutralization of the Black Sea, without touching on the issue of Southern Bessarabia. The question of demilitarizing the Aland Islands was also not raised. Everything was reduced to one main issue, which concerned the national security of the empire and the restoration of its world prestige.
19 (31) of October Alexander Gorchakov sent a circular to the Russian ambassadors under the governments of the powers parties to the Paris Treaty. The document said that Russia strictly complied with the terms of the 1856 agreement of the year, while other powers constantly violated it (specific examples of violations were listed). Then followed a statement that the Russian Empire is no longer bound by obligations that violate its sovereign rights on the Black Sea. The Ottoman Empire was informed that the supplementary convention on the number and size of warships, which both powers have the right to keep on the Black Sea, is also canceled.
In the West, Gorchakov’s circular caused the effect of a bombshell. The most dramatic statement was made by the British Empire. According to the British government, Russia had no right to unilaterally cancel the neutralization of the Black Sea. England offered to refer the matter to the 1856 Treaty member states for consideration and to take into account Turkish interests. Austria-Hungary also protested. France and Italy took an evasive position. The final word was left for Prussia. Bismarck fulfilled the promise given to Gorchakov and proposed convening a conference to consider this issue. Petersburg, counting on the support of Berlin, agreed.
The London Conference took place in January-March 1871. Britain was represented by Foreign Minister Grenville, the other powers - their ambassadors in the British capital. The Russian Empire was represented by Ambassador F. I. Brunnov. The British and Austrians agreed with the abolition of the article on the neutralization of the Black Sea and the Russian-Turkish convention. However, they demanded, under the pretext of ensuring the security of Porta, to provide them with naval bases in Turkey and to change the straits regime in their favor. These claims contradicted not only Russian interests, but also Turkish ones. In the end, plans to acquire naval bases in the Ottoman Empire in Vienna and London had to be abandoned, but the regime of the straits was changed. The Turkish Sultan received the right to open the straits in peacetime for the passage of ships of "friendly and allied powers." The ban on the passage of ships of Russia has been saved. This decision worsened the defensive capabilities of the Russian Empire in the south. This new straits regime was valid until the First World War. Russia returned the right to keep a navy in the Black Sea, to build fortifications. The empire fully restored its sovereign rights in the Black Sea, which made it possible to strengthen the security of the southern regions.
After the defeat of France and the creation of the German Empire, the conditions for the alliance of St. Petersburg and Berlin remained. In the 1860-1870s, the Russian Empire intensified its policy in Central Asia, which led to an aggravation of relations with Great Britain. The interests of Russia and England also clashed in the Near and Middle East, in the Balkans. In addition, Russia's rival in the Balkan Peninsula was Austria-Hungary. Vienna suffered a defeat in the struggle for influence in the German states (Prussia united them around itself) and decided to compensate for losses in Central Europe by intensifying efforts in the Balkans. Berlin encouraged the activity of the Austrians in the Balkan direction. Bismarck wanted to play on the contradictions between Russia and Austria-Hungary.
The news of the upcoming visit of the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph to Berlin in September 1872 caused concern in St. Petersburg. The Russian sovereign expressed his readiness to take part in this meeting of the monarchs. In the German capital, the Russian and Austrian monarchs were given a brilliant reception. The emperors attended reviews, ceremonial dinners and theatrical performances. At this time, the heads of the foreign policy departments held business negotiations. Gorchakov and Andrassy agreed to maintain the status quo in the Balkan Peninsula. Both sides expressed their readiness not to interfere in the internal affairs of Turkey. At a meeting with Gorchakov, Bismarck reported that Germany would support only those actions on the peninsula that would be agreed upon between Berlin and St. Petersburg. At the same time, Bismarck promised the Austrians to support Vienna in this region.
In March 1873, Wilhelm I, accompanied by Bismarck and Moltke, arrived in the Russian capital. During this visit, a military convention was concluded between the powers. The document stated that if any European power attacked one of the two empires, the other would send a 200-strong army to help as soon as possible. In June 1873, Alexander and Gorchakov visited Vienna, which meant that St. Petersburg was “forgetting” the hostility shown by Austria in the Crimean War. Russia made efforts to persuade Vienna to join the Russian-German convention. The Austrian side preferred a less binding agreement, which stated that the positions of the three powers would be coordinated in the event of a threat to European security. The convention was signed in July in Schönbrunn, near Vienna. In October, Prussia joined the convention. This pact received the grandiose name of the “Union of the Three Emperors”.
In general, this alliance had a chance of success if it were not for the excessive enthusiasm of St. Petersburg for European and Balkan problems. The Russian-German alliance had enormous potential. Russia needed to focus on domestic development - the Russian North, the Ural region, Siberia, the Far East, the Caucasus and Central Asia, the work front was incredible. In addition, prospects for economic expansion in Persia, India, China and Korea opened up in the South. The “white spot” was Russia's relations with Japan. However, the Russian elite continued to senselessly climb into European squabbles. In 1872, 1874 and 1875 Russia prevented Germany from starting a new conflict with France. This broke the Russian-German alliance, which was formally preserved, but lost its meaning. The stupidity of the salvation of France was fully confirmed by the future First World War. Russia's national interests demanded an alliance with Germany, rather than "noble" actions. France in the 19 century attacked Russia twice: in the 1812 year - leading the pan-European horde and in the 1854 year - being one of the main participants of the anti-Russian coalition. The new defeat of France in the war with Germany led to increased anti-German sentiment and fear in England (later in the USA), Austria-Hungary and Italy. France was subjected to new humiliation and its hatred for Berlin only increased. As a result, Germany needed a calm rear and reliable ally. Russia received the German technology for the modernization of the industry and the market for its raw materials.
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