Algerian war of the French Foreign Legion
In 1954-1962 The foreign legion took part in the fighting in Algeria, where the National Liberation Front (TNF) launched military and terrorist operations against the French administration, the "black-footed" and their compatriots sympathizing with them. Only in 1999 in France, the events of those years were officially recognized as a war, until that time they talked about operations to "restore public order."
Blackfoot and evolvés
In the middle of the XIX century, Algerian Arabs and Berbers first became closely acquainted with European settlers. These were no longer renegade corsairs, who had previously quite actively settled on the Maghreb coast, and not soldiers of enemy armies, but farmers, artisans, traders, intellectuals, officials of the French administration. The first thing that caught the eye of the natives in the guise of new neighbors was unusual black boots and boots that were unusual and never seen before. It is because of them that they called the Europeans "black-footed". This word over time has become almost the official name of the European population of Algeria. Moreover, Pieds-Noirs (a literal translation of this word into French) began to be called in the metropolis. The Blackfoots were also called Franco-Algerians or columns. They themselves often called themselves simply "Algerians", and the indigenous people of this country - Arabs and Muslims.
Moreover, not all "black-footed" were French. Since any European born in Algeria received French citizenship, the Italians, Maltese, Portuguese, Corsicans and Jews who lived here entered the Blackfoot communities, but there were especially many Spaniards. In Oran, once owned by Spain, for example, in 1948, more than half of the "black-footed" were of Spanish origin (in this city there was even a bullfighting arena). According to Noël Favreliere, who wrote The Essays of a French Journalist on the National Liberation War of the Algerian People (Le désert à l'aube), TNF fighters generally treated the "black-footed Frenchmen" better than Algerian Europeans of other origin.
The relations between the indigenous population of Algeria and the alien Europeans could not be called absolutely cloudless, especially at first: the difference in culture and traditions was too great, and excesses also occurred. However, remember how many times in our stories the French enthusiastically and enthusiastically slaughtered and killed not even the British, Spaniards and Germans, but each other. In 1871, not so far from our time, they defeated and literally spilled blood on their own capital, killing up to 30 thousand communards and losing about seven and a half thousand soldiers stormed the city (among which there were many legionnaires). Only in July of that year, 10 thousand people were shot. An Italian or Polish surname, a “sideways glance” at a soldier or a gendarme, an insufficiently cheerful expression on the face, and even calloused hands betraying proletarian origin were considered quite suitable reasons for the reprisal. So the residents of Algeria could not complain about double standards - everything was “honest”: “beautiful France” at that time was equally cruel to “friends” and “strangers”. In case of rebellion or unrest, the French authorities of Algeria with Arabs and Berbers acted no worse than the authorities of the metropolis with purebred Frenchmen.
From the very beginning, Algeria was a special territory for the French, which they began to equip as the new province of their country, and already in 1848 it officially became the overseas department of France. This was not in neighboring Tunisia, much less in Morocco. And in Algeria, the French behaved quite differently than in "black Africa" or in French Indochina. Sudan, Senegal, Congo, Chad, Vietnam and other overseas territories were powerless colonies, Algeria - "African France." The standard of living in Algeria, of course, was lower than in Normandy or Provence, but the French invested considerable funds in its development. The “Blackfoot” Albert Camus, whose father was Alsatian and his mother was Spanish, already in the XNUMXth century, speaking of the standard of living in Algeria, wrote about “poverty, as in Naples and Palermo”. But you must admit that Palermo and Naples are still not Abidjan, not Kayes, and not Tombouctou. Algeria's economic performance was constantly growing, and materially, Algerians lived not only no worse, but much better than their neighbors.
Farhat Abbas, one of the leaders of Algerian nationalists, cannot be called a francophile. He was the founder of the Algerian People’s Union party and the Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto, supported the TNF in 1956, became the first chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (located in Cairo) in 1958, and in 1962 was the head of the independent Algeria
But in 1947, Farhat wrote:
The statement is very strange and provoking a sense of bewilderment. Farhat does not seem to deny the obvious, but did you pay attention to the phrases: “from the point of view of the European” and “broadly satisfying the needs of the European element”?
That is, roads, ports, reservoirs, public services and educational institutions, in his opinion, were needed only by Europeans? But what about the Arabs and Berbers of Algeria? They all this was unnecessary? Or did they not even have the right to step on the asphalt or take the train and move not along the roads, but along them?
By the way, house numbers in Kasbah (the old city) of Algeria also appeared under the French. Prior to that, finding the right building was almost impossible, and even the old-timers could only find out the address of neighbors living with them on the same street. However, even now this is often blamed on the colonialists: they say it was done for police needs and aimed at finally enslaving and putting under the control of the French administration the freedom-loving children of the desert.
For several generations of Blackfoots, Algeria was the home and homeland, and many of them were never in France or Europe. This was the main difference between the "black-footed" from the Europeans of the French colonies, who went to Tonkin or Morocco only for a while, so that, having earned money, return to Paris, Rouen or Nantes. And Algeria was the first and main house of the Foreign Legion, which is why the legionnaires fought so desperately and fiercely for it: with the TNF militants, and then with the “de Gaulle traitors”.
In the middle of the XNUMXth century, the “black-footed” were already markedly different from the French living in the metropolis: they were a special sub-ethnic group, and, preserving their European appearance and culture, acquired new character and behavior traits that were unique to them. They even had their own dialect of the French language - patwaet. And therefore, the forced resettlement to France after the expulsion from Algeria and the process of adaptation in the new environment were not easy and painless for them.
On the other hand, a large number of Europeanized Arabs appeared in the cities of Algeria (they were called evolvés - “evolved”), who often received education at colleges and universities in the metropolis and were the vehicles of French culture among the local population.
But even among the indigenous people of Algeria not affected by Europeanization, there were many who were completely satisfied with the new orders and new opportunities. The peasants have new markets for their products and the possibility of buying cheap (compared with the times of dey) industrial goods. Young men willingly entered the units of Algerian riflemen (tyraeli) and spag squadrons, which organically became part of the French army, fighting for an empire in all parts of the world.
The life of those who did not want active contacts with the new authorities has not changed much. The French retained the traditional institution of elders on the ground, officials did not meddle in their affairs, confining themselves to collecting taxes, and the former rulers and their close associates can be blamed for anything, but not in the ardent desire to increase the well-being of their subjects and make their life easy and enjoyable .
Let’s take a look at some photographs illustrating the mixing of civilizations in French Algeria.
This is the interior of the Cathedral of Our Lady of Algeria. The inscription on the wall reads: “Virgin of Africa, pray for us and for Muslims”:
These photographs could be taken before the war began on the streets of Algeria:
In this photo, two “black-footed” Europeans calmly walk along Konstantin Street:
And here is how peacefully looked the square of the Algerian city of Nemur in 1947:
So, Algeria was the real home of the "black-footed", but, remaining Europeans, they sincerely tried to bring a particle of Europe to their new homeland. The hundred-year stay of the "black-footed" in Algeria has changed the face of the cities of this country. To the major of the first parachute regiment, Eli Sen Marc, the Algerian quarter of Bab El Oued seemed like the Spanish cities of the Caribbean islands, and he called the language of its inhabitants (françaoui) “a mixture of Catalan, Castilian, Sicilian, Neapolitan, Arabic and Provencal dialects.”
Other authors compared the new quarters of Algerian cities with the cities of Provence and Corsica.
But "European Africa" did not take place. After more than a hundred years of relatively peaceful coexistence, Algeria was forced to leave not only the descendants of European settlers, but also many indigenous people, whom the nationalists declared traitors.
The tragic confrontation in the Algerian war
So, let's begin our story about the Algerian war of 1954-1962. It is little known in our country, but meanwhile it was very bloody and wore a civilian character: it split Algerian society into two parts.
On the one hand, it turned out that not all Arabs and Berbers of Algeria are supporters of the idea of independence and not everyone is happy with the efforts of the TNF to free them from the “French colonial oppression”. In the outbreak of the war, part of the indigenous population of Algeria, primarily the Europeanized evolvés, became allies of the French.
You may have seen photos of the founder of the National Front, Jean-Marie Le Pen, with a blindfold on his left eye (which he had to wear continuously for 6 years, and then put it on periodically).
He received an injury in 1957 at a rally in support of a candidate from the movement “For French Algeria”: he was hit in the face with a boot. It would seem that there is nothing particularly surprising in this incident. But it turns out that the captain of the Foreign Legion received this injury not during the fighting, but during “off hours”, and the candidate defending whom Le Pen suffered was Algerian Arab Ahmed Jebbude.
In the last days of the Fourth Republic, it was the “black-footed” and the generals who spoke out in defense of French Algeria that demanded equal rights for Muslims from the central authorities. And even the leaders of the extremist organization OAS (which will be discussed later), contrary to the widespread opinion about the anti-Arab nature of their activities, stated that they are fighting not only for the “black-footed” Europeans, but also for the entire people of Algeria, who are going to betray the central authorities of France. They considered equally enemies and leaders of the TNF, as well as de Gaulle and his supporters. Look at the posters of this organization:
Eli Sen Marc, commander of the First Parachute Regiment of the Foreign Legion, who was arrested after an attempted military coup in April 1961, said in court that he had joined the rebels for reasons of honor: he did not want to betray millions of Arabs and Berbers of Algeria who believed in France - and didn’t cause anyone to surprise, not a sarcastic and condescending smile.
Harki tragedy
Starting January 24, 1955, Mobile Security Groups and Local Self-Defense Groups were created in many cities and villages of the country, in which Arabs served to protect their homes and loved ones from extremists. They were called "arches" (harki - from the Arabic word "movement"). Harki detachments were in the French army, one of them will be discussed in another article. And, I must say that the number of Harki (up to 250 thousand people) significantly exceeded the number of TNF fighters, which even on the eve of independence were no more than 100 thousand.
The bulk of the indigenous population of Algeria was indifferent, but the TNF militants managed to intimidate these people, brutally cracking down on “traitors”. After watching the Soviet film “Nobody Wanted to Die” (shot at a Lithuanian film studio by a Lithuanian director and in the original in Lithuanian in 1965), you will understand what was the situation in Algeria at that time.
The fate of Algerian Harki was sad. It is estimated that during the years of the war and during the repressions that followed the evacuation of the French troops, about 150 thousand members of such groups died. De Gaulle actually threw the bulk of Harki to its own devices - only 42 out of 500 were evacuated. And those who ended up in France were placed in camps (like foreign refugees), where they were until 250. In 1971, they were still recognized as war veterans; since 1974, France has celebrated "Day of Sympathy (National Acknowledgment) for Harki" in France on January 2001.
In the book “My Last Round” written in 2009, Marcel Bijard, a story about which we began in an article “Foreign Legion Against Vietnam and the Dienbienfu Catastrophe”, accused de Gaulle of the betrayal of Algerian Muslims who fought on the side of the French army.
In 2012, Sarkozy pleaded guilty to France and formally apologized to Harki.
And in modern Algeria, Harki are considered traitors.
Schism in french society
On the other hand, at first, some of the "black-footed" (of whom about 1 million 200 thousand people) took the side of the nationalists of the TNF, naively believing that they were only fighting for social justice. The nationalist slogan “Coffin or suitcase” for these people (who were Algerian French in the 3-4th generation and this country was considered their homeland) was a complete surprise.
Moreover, Algerian nationalists were supported in the left circles of France, anarchists and Trotskyists, native Parisians, Marseilles and Lyons, fought on their side.
Jean-Paul Sartre and other liberal intellectuals called on French soldiers to desertion (the Russian liberals also called on Russian soldiers to desert and surrender to militants during the first Chechen campaign).
In 1958, after a series of attacks by Algerian militants against Parisian policemen (4 of them were killed), authorities arrested several thousand supporters of TNF, smashing 60 underground groups and preventing terrorist attacks at airports, metro, television centers, as well as an attempt to infect the water supply system. Liberals at that time called the methods of the French special services "Gestapo" and demanded better conditions for the arrested militants.
And in the last years and months of the existence of French Algeria, another civil war broke out - between supporters and opponents of Charles de Gaulle and his politics. And the purebred French again did not spare each other. OAS hunted de Gaulle and other "traitors". De Gaulle ordered the torture of the arrested Oasovites and declared them fascists - people, many of whom, unlike him, after the surrender of France in 1940, did not write an appeal from London, but with weapons they fought with the Germans in their hands and were real heroes of the French Resistance.
On the way to war
The first sparks began to erupt already in 1945, when the leaders of the Arab nationalists decided to take advantage of the weakness of France and demand at least broad autonomy, if not sovereignty.
On May 8, 1945, a certain Buzid Saal, who was walking with an Algerian flag, was killed at a demonstration in Setif. The result was a riot during which 102 blackfoots were killed. The response of the French authorities was extremely harsh: artillery was used against the rioters, Tanks, and in some places aviation. It was then that Larbi Ben Mkhaidi (Mhidi), an activist of the Algerian People's Party, who later became one of the 6 founders of the TNF, was first arrested.
The fire of the beginning of the rebellion was covered in blood, but the "embers" continued to smolder.
In 1947, a "secret organization" was created in Algeria - the OS, which became the armed wing of the "Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Freedoms", then "armed groups" of the "Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto" appeared. We remember that the founder of this party was Farhat Abbas, quoted above. In 1953, these units merged, the territory of Algeria was divided by them into six military districts (Vilaya), each of which had its own commander. And finally, in October 1954, the Algeria National Liberation Front was created. 6 people are considered its founders: Mustafa Ben Boulaid, Larbi Ben Mhidi, Didouche Mourad, Didouche Mourad, Rabah Bitat, Krim Belkacem and Mohamed Boudaf ) that formed the Revolutionary Committee of Association and Action. The leader of the military wing was Ahmed Ben Bella (incidentally, a World War II veteran), who managed to organize illegal deliveries to Algeria of a large number of weapons from Egypt, Tunisia and some other countries. The actions of field commanders were coordinated from abroad. Later, Muslims in Algeria and France were taxed unofficially, and rebel training camps appeared in Morocco and Tunisia.
The first "partisan" TNF detachment had 800 soldiers, in 1956 there were about 10 thousand troops in Algeria, and in 1958 up to one hundred thousand, armed with artillery pieces, mortars and even anti-aircraft guns.
The French, in turn, increased their army in Algeria from 40 thousand people in 1954 to 150 thousand people at the beginning of 1959.
It is believed that about a million French men went through the Algerian war, 17,8 thousand of them died during the fighting. More than 9 thousand died as a result of illnesses and injuries, 450 are still reported as missing. Almost 65 thousand French soldiers and officers were injured in this war.
In addition to the legionnaires, soldiers from other units of the French army also took part in the Algerian war, but, remaining within the cycle, we will now tell about the events of those years through the prism of the history of the Foreign Legion.
The beginning of the Algerian war
The night of November 1, 1954 in France is called the “red day of all saints”: nationalist units attacked government offices, army barracks and the houses of the “black-footed” - only 30 objects. In particular, a school bus with children in Bon was shot and a family of French teachers working in a school for Algerian children was killed. The confrontation became especially fierce after 1955 people were killed in August 123 in the small town of Philipville (Skikda), including 77 Blackfoot (Philippville Massacre). And on August 20 of the same year, in the mining village of Al-Khaliya (a suburb of Constantine), a detachment of militants who broke into it killed 92 people, 10 of whom were children.
Marcel Bijar in Algeria
In 1956, Marcel Bijar, who had already received his first glory during the battles in Indochina, ended up in Algeria. He took the post of commander of the 10th parachute battalion and for 4 months of this year, received 2 wounds in the chest - during one of the battles in June and during the assassination attempt in September. In 1957, Bijar led the 3rd regiment of colonial paratroopers, making him a model unit of the French army. The motto of this regiment was the words: "To be and continue to exist."
Bijar subordinates captured 24 thousand FNL fighters, 4 thousand of whom were shot. In February 1957, one of the six founders and top leaders of the TNF, Larbi Ben Mkhaydi, the commander of the Fifth Vilaya (military district), who during the Battle for Algeria (or the Battle for the Capital) was responsible for preparing the groups, was captured. “Sacrificing oneself” (Fidaev).
After the destruction of a large group of militants in the mountainous regions of the Atlas (the operation lasted from May 23 to 26, 1957), Bijar received a semi-serious “title” from General Massiu Seigneur de l'Atlas.
Unlike subordinates, many generals and senior officers of the French army did not like Bijar, considering him an upstart, but the Times in 1958 stated: Bizhar is “a demanding commander, but an idol of soldiers who forces his subordinates to shave every day and gives onions instead of wine onions because wine reduces stamina. ”
In 1958, Bijar was sent to Paris to organize a center for training French officers in the methods of counterterrorism and war with rebel forces. He returned to Algeria in January 1959, becoming the commander of a group of forces in the Saran Oran Sector: in addition to the legionnaires, the 8th Infantry Regiment, the 14th Algerian Tyrael Regiment, the 23rd Spahi Moroccan Regiment, the artillery regiment and some others connections.
After the end of the Algerian war, in an interview with the Le Monde newspaper, Bijar confirmed that his subordinates sometimes used torture to interrogate prisoners, but said that it was a “necessary evil”: using these “extreme” methods, it was possible to prevent more than one terrorist act and a number of Militant attacks on peaceful cities and villages:
To help you better understand these words, I will give a small quote from the memoirs of Michel Petron, who was then serving in Algeria:
But these are soldiers, albeit demobilized. And here are three stories about how militants acted with civilians.
Gerard Cuto recalled:
Francois Meyer - about the reprisal of TNF militants over those who took the side of France:
And here is the testimony of Maurice Favre:
There is still an explanation. This is what the nationalist leaders called for in their speeches on the radio:
Answering an “uncomfortable question”, the captain of the First Parachute Regiment of the Foreign Legion, Joseph Estu, mocked in an interview:
What can be said about this?
Many probably watched the Soviet film “In the Special Attention Zone”, which tells about the “work” of three sabotage groups of Soviet paratroopers, who during the army exercises were instructed to find and capture the command post of the conditional enemy. Even in school, I was most struck by the words addressed to the interrogated “prisoner” of one of these groups:
The hint, it seems to me, is more than transparent.
It should be recognized that in any war and in any army, commanders periodically have to choose: to go on the offensive in the morning on uncharted positions of the enemy (and, perhaps, “put” half of their soldiers during this attack) or how to interpret “the language”, in between breaking a couple of ribs. And, knowing that each of the subordinates of the house is waiting for a mother, and some still have a wife and children, it is very difficult to play the role of an angel who came down from the heights only yesterday.
"Pandora's Box"
Since the fall of 1956, terrorist acts in the capital city of Algeria have become almost continuous. The first to attack civilians were TNF fighters, whose leaders ordered:
In 10 days, 43 completely random young men of European appearance were killed. And then the radicals of the "black-footed" staged an explosion in the old Kasbah of Algeria - 16 people became victims, 57 were injured. And this terrorist act literally dissolved the gates of hell: all the “brakes” were broken, moral barriers were destroyed, Pandora’s box was opened wide open: the leaders of the TNF ordered to kill women and children.
On November 12, 1956, the command already known to us by article was appointed to command the French troops in Algeria. “Foreign Legion Against Vietnam and the Dienbienfu Catastrophe” Raul Salan. The situation was already so aggravated by that time that power in the capital was transferred to General Jacques Massoux (commander of the military zone of Algeria), who in January 1957 introduced the 10th parachute division into the city in addition to the zouaves already “working” there.
Due to the growing weakness of the civil administration, many functions were forced to assume the servicemen of the French army and legion. Already quoted by us, Joseph Estu, arrested for participating in an attempted coup in April 1961, said in court about his activities in Algeria:
I was never taught police work in Saint-Cyr. In February 1957, in September and October 1958, I received an order.
I have never been taught in Saint-Cyr how to act as prefect of the police with 30 citizens. In January, February and March 000 I received an order.
I was never taught in Saint-Cyr to organize polling stations. In September 1958, I received an order.
I was never taught in Saint-Cyr to organize the beginnings of a municipality, open schools, open markets. In the fall of 1959 I received an order.
I was never taught in Saint-Cyr to deprive the political rights of insurgents. In February 1960, I received an order.
Moreover, I was not taught in Saint-Cyr to betray my comrades and commanders. ”
In the next article, we will talk about the “battle for Algeria” (mass attacks on civilians in November 1956 - September 1957), “Kabile smiles,” beautiful life-loving terrorists with beach purses in their hands and the methods of General Jacques Massoux.
In preparing the article, the materials of the blog of Urzova Ekaterina were used:
The story of Bijar (by tag): https://catherine-catty.livejournal.com/tag/%D0%91%D0%B8%D0%B6%D0%B0%D1%80%20%D0%9C%D0%B0%D1%80%D1%81%D0%B5%D0%BB%D1%8C
About TNF atrocities: https://catherine-catty.livejournal.com/270597.html
Speech by Joseph Estu: https://catherine-catty.livejournal.com/800532.html
Also in the article, quotes from French sources translated by Catherine Urzova were used.
Some of the photos are taken from the same blog.
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Ryzhov V. A. Russian volunteers of the French Foreign Legion
Ryzhov V. A. The most famous Russian “graduates” of the French Foreign Legion. Zinovy Peshkov
Ryzhov V. A. The most successful Russian “legionnaire”. Rodion Malinovsky
Ryzhov V. A. French Foreign Legion in the First and Second World Wars
Ryzhov V.A. Foreign Legion against Vietnam and the Dienbienf Catastrophe
Ryzhov V. A. "Fire in the Empire." Foreign Legion after World War II
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