Battle for the South: Red Army liberates Kharkov and Kiev
Smoot. 1919 year. 100 years ago, the troops of the red Southern Front during the Kharkov operation defeated the Belgorod-Kharkov, and then, during the Nizhyn-Poltava and Kiev operations, the Kiev group of the Volunteer Army. 12 December 1919 years, the Red Army liberated Kharkov. On December 16, the Reds occupied Kiev. 19 December Kharkov was declared the capital of the Ukrainian SSR.
The troops of the red Southeast Front, together with the troops of the Southern Front, defeated the corps of the White Don Army in the Khopero-Don operation. Denikin’s plan by introducing large reserves to achieve a turning point in the fight was disrupted. Denikin’s troops were driven back to the Donbass and across the Don River.
White goes to the bottom. Foreign policy failure
In the summer of 1919, British General G. Holman, the new head of the allied mission and personal representative of the Minister of War, W. Churchill, arrived at Denikin’s Headquarters. In his letter to Denikin, Churchill promised help with military equipment and specialists. But he noted that the resources of England, exhausted by the great war, "are not unlimited." In addition, the British must fulfill their obligations not only in southern Russia, but also in the North and Siberia. General Holman was a direct warrior and honestly tried to help Denikin's army. Being a pilot, even he took part in air operations.
At the same time, British diplomacy continued its intrigues. The diplomatic mission, led by General Keyes, subordinate to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, carefully poked their nose into all the affairs and intrigues that took place in the south of Russia, participated in various meetings and consultations, various “talking rooms”. And after the defeat of Kolchak’s army in Siberia, British diplomacy began to “merge” the white South. The head of the British government, Lloyd George, believed that the Bolsheviks by force weapons not win and Britain can no longer spend huge sums of money in this endless war, it is necessary to look for other means in order to "restore peace and change the system of governance in miserable Russia." London was considering the topic of convening a conference where, with the mediation of the great powers, it would be possible to reconcile the warring parties.
The politics of France were confused and confused. On the one hand, the French supported the whites, fearing the union of the Bolsheviks with Germany. Paris needed Russia, which would continue to restrain Germany. On the other hand, support was mainly in words, especially after the evacuation from Odessa. Real help was constantly inhibited, the French used various kinds of bureaucratic clues for this. At the same time, the French were greedy, although after the war there remained a huge amount of weapons, ammunition, equipment, various materials that were simply superfluous. Paris was afraid to cheapen, raised the issue of economic compensation. In parallel, the French were still trying to bet on Petlyura, who already had no chance of success in Little Russia. France also supported Poland, aspiring to the West Russian lands, which could not please Denikin.
Under Denikin, the French representative was Colonel Corbeil. But in fact, he was only an intermediary between the White Headquarters and Constantinople, Paris. Great hopes were pinned on the arrival in the fall of 1919 of the year of the mission of General Manzhen, which was to facilitate relations between the white command and the French leadership for organizing an anti-Bolshevik struggle. But these hopes did not materialize. The mission was limited to information gathering and consultations, endless stupid negotiations, without concrete decisions and deeds. In the USA, at that time, isolationists intensified, demanding a departure from European affairs. In addition, Washington was more interested in the Far East and Siberia than the South of Russia.
The Western community also had radical plans for the struggle against Bolshevism. For example, it was proposed to put an end to Russian communism with the help of Germany and Japan, providing them with the opportunity to rob Russia. They say that Germany defeated in the war cannot pay Entente reparations, but it can be given the opportunity to receive funds for restoration at the Russian expense. So the West will kill a few birds with one stone. It will suppress the Russian Communists with the help of the Germans, finally enslave Russia and give Germany the opportunity to pay debts to London and Paris. But France actively opposed this idea. The French feared that Germany would recover quickly and would again threaten Paris. Interestingly, the French and Germans in their political forecasts showed the possibility of the emergence in the future of a strategic alliance of Germany - Russia - Japan, or Italy - Germany - Russia - Japan. This alliance could become a threat to Western democracies (France, England and the USA). And the United States opposed the strengthening of Japan at the expense of Russia, which had their own plans to turn Siberia and the Far East into America's sphere of influence.
As a result, White’s hopes for serious help from the Entente did not materialize. The West did not help. More precisely, he even contributed to the defeat of the White Movement, as he was not interested in the reconstruction of “united and indivisible Russia”. The West relied on a protracted fratricidal war, which would deplete the strength and potential of the Russian people, a quick victory of white or red, England did not suit England and the USA. The Entente also contributed by all means to the collapse of Russia, the secession of its outskirts, Finland, Poland, the Baltic states, Little Russia, Ukraine, the Caucasus, the Far East, etc.
"Great Poland"
White could not agree with Poland. Nationalist Poland seemed a natural ally of the White Guards. Poland was hostile to the Bolsheviks and launched a war against Soviet Russia. Warsaw had a strong and numerous army. Denikin tried to establish an alliance with the Poles. As soon as communications were established, he sent the Polish Zelinsky brigade formed in the Kuban to his homeland. White military and civil authorities met the wishes of the Poles, who wanted to return home, helped refugees and prisoners of world war. The offensive of the left wing of Denikin’s army in Kiev solved the problem of uniting the White Guards with the Polish army. This was to free the western part of the front for an attack on Moscow, to reliably cover the left flank of the Red Army. A railway connection was also opened with Western Europe - hopes for real help from the Entente have not yet subsided.
However, all attempts to establish an alliance with Warsaw failed. All messages were left unanswered. The mission promised by the Poles, led by General Karnitsky at the Headquarters of Denikin, appeared only in September 1919. The negotiations with the Karnitsky mission, which lasted several months, yielded nothing. Meanwhile, the Poles stopped fighting against the Reds on the Western Front. The fact was that the Poles forgot about the strategy to the detriment of the territorial issue. Warsaw was only interested in the borders of the “Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth - 2”, which was supposed to include Kurland, Lithuania, White Russia, Galicia, Volyn and a significant part of Little Russia. Polish gentlemen dreamed of a great power from the Baltic to the Black Sea. The situation seemed favorable. Therefore, Warsaw clearly did not like the idea of the White Guards about a “united and indivisible Russia”. The Poles decided that the capture of Moscow by Denikins was not profitable for them. It is better to drag out the war, bleed both sides, so that Poland can realize its plans to the maximum.
It is clear that Denikin was not directly spoken about this. But maps of “lands of Polish settlement” were constantly demonstrated, right up to Kiev and Odessa, it was proposed to express their point of view on the fate of certain territories. Denikin, on the other hand, stood on the untimelyness of territorial disputes during the war, the need for temporary borders. The final decision was postponed until the end of the war and the creation of an all-Russian government. Denikin wrote to Pilsudski that the fall of the VSYUR or their significant weakening would put Poland before all the Bolshevik forces, which could cause the death of the Polish state.
However, Warsaw was deaf to these sensible appeals. The Poles were blinded by the desire to create a power "from sea to sea", and believed in their military power. The Polish elite did not want to fully cooperate with the White Guards, fearing the revival of the former Russia. Pilsudsky openly declared to British General Briggs, who had arrived in Warsaw from the Entente to resolve the Russian issue, that in Russia he "has no one to talk to, both Kolchak and Denikin are reactionaries and imperialists."
The Entente, as part of its “divide and conquer” strategy, tried to push Poland into an alliance with the White Army, or, at least, to organize interaction. But the obstinate Polish lords refused. They stubbornly ignored the instructions of the senior "partners." Warsaw stated that Denikin did not recognize the independence of Poland, although its independence was recognized by the Provisional Government. Then the Poles said that it is useless to establish ties with Denikin, he has no authority, he will wait for Kolchak's instructions. Although Denikin had the authority to communicate with neighboring countries, and the Poles knew about it.
Thus, Warsaw relied on the mutual extermination of Russians, both red and white, not wanting to strengthen Denikin’s army. When the British nevertheless managed to tackle the Polish side, Pilsudski said that in the winter the army would not advance from the frustration of the rear, the devastation in the already occupied territories. He promised to launch an offensive in the spring, but by this time Denikin’s army had already been crushed. As a result, Moscow got the opportunity to remove the best divisions from the Western Front and throw them against the White Guards. Also, the western flank of the red Southern Front could calmly turn back to the Poles, and launch an attack on Kiev and Chernigov.
Jozef Pilsudski in Minsk. 1919 year
Kuban problem
The White Army, as previously noted, had major problems in the rear. In the North Caucasus, they had to fight with the Highlanders, the North Caucasian Emirate, and keep troops on the border with Georgia. Everywhere there was a struggle with rebels, bandits. Little Russia and New Russia were blazing, where Old Man Makhno gathered an entire army and waged a real war with the White Guards (Makhno's blow to Denikin).
There was no order even in the ranks of the White Army itself. A powerful blow to the back of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia was inflicted by the Kuban. For more than a year, the Kuban lived in the rear, quietly and calmly, and decomposition began. Other Cossack troops at that time fought hard: Don repulsed the attacks of the Reds on his territory, Terek repulsed the highlanders. The Kuban army fell into the illusion of its own security. Decomposition, in contrast to the Don, in which the split occurred "below" (the allocation of the Red Cossacks and "neutral"), began "from above."
On 28 of January 1918 of the year, the Kuban Regional Military Council, headed by N. S. Ryabovol, proclaimed an independent Kuban People’s Republic on the lands of the former Kuban Region. At first, the Kuban Republic was considered as part of the future Russian federal republic. But already on February 16 of the 1918 of the year Kuban was proclaimed an independent independent Kuban People's Republic. During the 1918 year, the Kuban tossed between hetman Ukraine and the Don, who had their supporters in the regional government. In June 1918, the Kuban government decided to support the Volunteer Army.
However, in the future, relations between the army of Denikin and the Kuban elite, where the positions of the socialists and independents were strong, became aggravated. Denikin’s headquarters regarded the Kuban as an integral part of Russia, sought to abolish the Kuban government and were pleased and completely subordinate the Kuban Cossack army to the white commander. Kuban also sought to defend their autonomy, and even expand it. While the front was near, the relationship between the volunteers and the Kuban was strained, but tolerant. But they soon became hostile.
The first major reason for the breakup was the murder of 14 (27) on June 1919 in Rostov, Chairman of the Kuban Rada Nikolai Ryabovol. The crime was committed in the territory controlled by the Don government. The culprits were not found, although Denikin was suspected, since Ryabovol was one of the leaders of the independents and sharply criticized the Denikin regime. But there was no tangible evidence. The Kuban Rada accused Ryabovol of "the enemies of the people, the servants of the reaction, the monarchists," that is, volunteers. Kuban Cossacks began to desert from the Volunteer Army.
When the Headquarters of Denikin moved from Yekaterinodar to Taganrog, and the Special Meeting in Rosto-on-Don, the Kuban secessionists felt complete freedom and turned to their fullest. The Kuban began to act as an independent state, introduced customs, refused to sell bread even to the Don, not to mention the “white” regions. As a result, the Don people bought bread, but more expensively, through speculators. In the press, the Volunteer Army was accused of all sins. The defeats of Kolchak’s army were openly rejoiced. The parliament openly stated that it was necessary to fight not only with the Bolsheviks, but also with a reaction based on Denikin’s army. A special meeting was called a force that wants to destroy democracy and rob Kuban of land and will. It is clear that, seeing this situation in their small homeland, the Kuban Cossacks, who fought at the front, quickly decomposed, sought to escape home. The desertion of the Kuban people became so massive and their share in Denikin’s troops, which at the end of the 1918 of the year was 2 / 3, fell to 1920% by the beginning of the 10 of the year.
Already in the early fall of 1919, the deputies were glad to see active propaganda on the separation of the Kuban from Russia. Various rumors slandering the volunteers were spread. Like, Denikin sold bread to England for supply, so food went up. Like, there isn’t enough manufactory and manufactured goods because of the “blockade of the Kuban” by the whites. Like, the volunteers have excellent weapons and uniforms, and the Kubans are “barefoot and goals.” Like, the Cossacks are forced to fight with the "friendly" mountaineers of Dagestan and Chechnya, with the "kindred Ukrainians" Petlyura. Demands were made to remove the Kuban units from the front and place them with garrisons in the Kuban. The volunteer army was declared the culprit of the civil war, Denikins allegedly trying to restore monarchism. The Makhno program was supported. The idea was put forward that without volunteers, the Kuban would be able to negotiate and reconcile with the Bolsheviks. The people as a whole did not care about this propaganda, as well as about “independence” and “democracy” (they were more worried about bread prices). But the main thing is that this propaganda acted on the Kuban units.
So, while the Caucasian army, which consisted mainly of Kuban, was advancing in the area of Tsaritsyn and Kamyshin, fighting spirit was high. But as soon as the protracted defensive battles began, which did not promise great prey (the capture of trophies was a disease of the Cossacks), losses, autumn with cold and typhoid, the general desertion began. They fled from the front line, and the house was pretty close. Those who had gone on vacation or treatment to the Kuban usually no longer returned. The deserters lived quietly in the villages, the authorities did not pursue them. Many went to the “green” gangs that existed almost legally (their chieftains were associated with the deputies of the parliament). Others went to spare parts and “gaydamaky” (guard units), which the Kuban Rada contained as the nucleus of its future army. In the autumn of the 1919 year, it came to the point that in the frontline Kuban regiments there were only 70 - 80 sabers left, and their combat efficiency was minimal. After the desperate efforts of the military command, it was possible to send the Kuban reinforcements to the front. Shelves brought to 250 - 300 fighters. But this did not get better. The strongest element remained on the front line, and the completely decomposed Cossacks arrived, who took up the corruption of the rest.
The Kuban independents held separate negotiations with Georgia and Petliura. Georgia expressed its readiness to recognize the sovereign Kuban and come to its aid to defend "democracy and freedom." At the same time, the Kuban delegation at the Paris Peace Conference raises the question of accepting the Kuban People’s Republic into the League of Nations and sign an agreement with the Highlanders. The agreement between the Kuban and the Highlanders could be considered as directed against the Terek army and the All-Union Federal Reserve.
This overflowed Denikin’s patience. On November 7 on November 1919, the Commander-in-Chief orders that all the signatories to the field trial be brought to court. In the parliament, this order was considered a violation of Denikin's Kuban "sovereignty." At the suggestion of Wrangel, Kuban was included in the rear region of the Caucasian Army, which was headed by General Pokrovsky (Wrangel became commander of the Volunteer Army, replacing May-Mayevsky). Kuban radicals called for an uprising, but the bulk were scared. Pokrovsky knew the energy and cruelty by the 1918 year. Pokrovsky put things in order. On November 18, he presented an ultimatum: to give him in 24 hours of Kalabukhov (the only member of the Paris delegation, the rest did not return to the Kuban), and 12 of the leaders of the independents. The chairman of the council, Makarenko, and his supporters tried to arrest ataman Filimonov and seize power. But most of the deputies, frightened by Pokrovsky, expressed confidence in the chieftain. Makarenko escaped. Pokrovsky, after the expiration of the ultimatum, introduced troops. Kalabukhov was tried and executed, the rest of the independents were sent to Constantinople.
Kuban glad for a short time calmed down. Arriving Wrangel was greeted with a standing ovation. The parliament adopted a resolution on unity with the Volunteer Army, liquidated the powers of the Paris delegation, and amended the constitution. Atman Filimonov, who pursued a weather vane policy, resigned, he was replaced by General Uspensky. However, this victory of the Headquarters of Denikin over the Kuban was short-term and belated. Two months later, the parliament regained full autonomy and canceled all concessions of the All-Union Union of Liberal Union.
Ataman of the Kuban Cossack Army (12.10.1917-10.11.1919) Alexander Petrovich Filimonov
To be continued ...
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