About Russia and the Russian front of the First World War. On the threshold of thunderstorms
We will talk about the Russian front and Russia in the First World War as a whole, taking a general look at the picture of the war. So, to form about this epoch-making event even the unprepared reader has a holistic and maximally objective impression.
7 — 10 in July 1914. Nikolai II received at his summer residence in Peterhof the French President R. Poincaré who arrived by sea.
The political situation in Europe has already been tense - after all, Serbian nationalist G. Principle shot the heir to the throne of Vienna, Franz Ferdinand and his spouse, on 15 in June in the city of Sarajevo.
And it was on the day of departure of Poincare from Peterhof, July 10, that Austria-Hungary sent an ultimatum to Serbia demanding to investigate this murder, to purge the state apparatus, the army, as well as other claims. The document was drafted in harsh colors with the expectation that it would not be accepted. Moreover, the response time to it was only 48 hours, which had already expired by the time the French president arrived.
Russian Foreign Minister S. D. Sazonov noted that the time of delivery of the ultimatum was specifically tailored by the Austrian government at the time of departure of the French president from Russia. By this, they wanted to prevent the Russian and French governments, using the presence of French President and Foreign Minister in Russia, to coordinate their actions.
So began the First World War. Recall that it was conducted between the Entente (Russia, France, England) and its allies and the Fourth Union, or the German Bloc (Germany, Austria-Hungary, later Turkey and Bulgaria). All in all, 38 states were involved in the confrontation, and hostilities, in addition to Europe, took place in the Middle and Far East, in Africa, in the waters of the Atlantic, Indian and Pacific Oceans. Germany claimed the redivision of the world and fought with Russia in the field of trade (high duties on Russian grain) and industry (competition of German industrial goods), for influence in Turkey. In particular, the Germans built the Baghdad railway there. The knot of contradictions between Russia and Austria-Hungary was the Balkan question (especially intensified after the annexation of the last Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908).
The Sarajevo murder agitated the whole of Europe, and exactly one month after it, on July 15, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia, launching hostilities the very next day. The Russian government responded to aggression against a friendly fraternal country by mobilizing frontier European districts. Germany, having started in advance the secret mobilization and concentration of troops on its borders, demanded that Russia stop mobilization, which was a gross interference in the internal affairs of a great country. The last and, alas, futile attempt to stop the approaching catastrophe was the telegraph correspondence of Nicholas II, who was trying to prevent the slide into war, with the German emperor Wilhelm II.
Almost 400 million people were drawn into the war during the first days. And over the next four years, 30 states with a population over 1,5 billion people were involved in its orbit, 70 million of which were mobilized into the armed forces of the warring parties.
Germany sought to defeat France, England and Russia (after tearing away the Russian Poland, the Baltic States and Ukraine from the latter), and together with Austria-Hungary to gain a foothold in the Balkans. The main land fronts are Western (French) and Eastern (Russian). Thus, Russia was becoming one of the main participants in the war.
The Russian authorities, who did not expect such a development of events, began to work out the ideological justification for participation in an armed conflict after Germany declared war on Russia. In the manifestos of 20 and 26 in July, Nikolay II defined the causes and nature of Russia's entry into the war - the defense of the territory of the Fatherland, the honor and dignity of the latter, as well as the position among the great powers and Slavic peoples.
The military historian, Professor Lieutenant-General N. N. Golovin, describing the patriotic upsurge that so brightly flared up in the July days of 1914, noted a huge difference in the popular mood in 1904 and 1914.
The first stimulus that pushed the population of Russia into a swearing feat was the realization that Germany attacked us. The peace-loving tone of the Russian government towards the Germans was widely known. The German threat awakened in the Russian people the social instinct of self-preservation.
Another impetus for the struggle, understandable to everyone, is that the struggle began as a result of the need to protect the right to the existence of a single-believer and one-blood Serbian people. Moreover, this feeling had nothing to do with “Pan-Slavism”, which Wilhelm liked to talk about, pushing the Austrians to absorb the Serbs - this was sympathy for the offended younger brother. After all, for centuries this feeling was brought up in the Russian people - who led a number of wars with the Turks for the liberation of the Slavs. And the stories of the participants in this age-old struggle, handed down from generation to generation, were one of the favorite topics of "village politicians." This taught the Russian people to a kind of national chivalry. And now the Germans threatened the Serbs with destruction instead of the Turks - and the same Germans attacked us. The connection of both acts was clear to the common sense of the Russian people. (Golovin N. N. Russia's military efforts in the World War. M., 2001. C. 292 - 293.).
Prayer services were held in the country “on the gift of victory over the treacherous and insidious enemy,” demonstrations and processions — especially large-scale in Moscow and St. Petersburg. On the day after the Germans declared war on Russia, thousands of people of different classes gathered on Palace Square of the capital, and together they knelt in front of the emperor and empress on the balcony of the Winter Palace. The Emperor declared the Manifesto of entering the war and solemnly took the oath on the Gospel.
State Duma Chairman M.V. Rodzianko recalled how a huge crowd had gathered in front of the Winter Palace on the day of the Manifesto on the war with Germany. And the thundering "Hurray" flew up after a prayer for the gift of victory and the words of the Emperor not to end the war, while at least one inch of Russian land is occupied by the enemy. Flags and posters bowed to the ground - and the crowd, like one person, fell to the Emperor on his knees. He wanted to say something, raising his hand: the front rows subsided, but the noise of the crowd and the never-ending “Hurray!” Did not allow him to speak. Head down, the Emperor stood for some time, seized by the solemnity of unity with his people, and then turned and went into the chambers. When, mingling with the crowd of workers, M. V. Rodzyanko asked what they were doing here - after all, shortly before that, they were on strike and were making economic and political demands. To which he received the answer: it was our internal affair, we just thought that reforms through the Duma were going slowly, but now the business of all Russia - and we came to our Tsar and follow him in the name of victory over the Germans (M. Rodzianko. The collapse of the empire // Archive of the Russian Revolution. T. 17. M., 1993. S. 57.). That is how, contrary to the later assurances of the Bolsheviks, the workers reacted to the outbreak of the war.
On the same days, the enraged crowd, which included workers, defeated the building of the German embassy in St. Petersburg. 4 August The Emperor and his family arrived in Moscow - and he was enthusiastically greeted by at least 500 thousand Muscovites and Moscow region peasants. And then, in the Assumption Cathedral of the Kremlin, a prayer service was held “for the glory of the Russian weapons».
The prominent figure of the State Duma A.F. Kerensky described these fateful days for Russia as the beginning of the second war for national survival and a unique opportunity for the monarchy, having come closer to the people, to ensure victory and consolidation of the dynasty for many years. (Kerensky A.F. Russia at the historical turning point. Memoirs. M., 1993. C. 88 - 89.).
Officially, this war, met in a society with a unanimous patriotic impulse, began to be called Great, and among the people - German. But since it started with all-around support and the danger hung over the Fatherland, another official name, “Second Patriotic War”, took root (the press often drew a parallel with the Patriotic War 1812, whose anniversary was recently celebrated on a large scale). Already 5 August 1914 St. Petersburg was renamed Petrograd, symbolically disowning all “German” even in names. At the time of mobilization, and then for the entire period of the war, a dry law was declared in the country, which at first everyone accepted with understanding.
The surge of patriotism was expressed in the fact that the 1 of 19 of wartime mobilization was not only fast and successful (the turnout of draftees was almost 100%), but also led to a powerful volunteer movement. The latter covered the youth who had a deferment from the draft and workers who had armor in defense factories, as well as students and intellectuals. They left the army as volunteers A. I. Kuprin, S. A. Yesenin, V. V. Veresaev, N. S. Gumilev, and others. Even revolutionaries who were in exile petitioned for the desire to join the Army in action (such as the future hero Civil War J.F. Fabricius, who was in exile on Sakhalin).
A. F. Kerensky recalled that everyone instinctively felt that the war with Germany would determine the political fate of Russia. The results of the mobilization were impressive. And to the surprise and indignation of the Marxists and other socialists, the Russian workers proved themselves to be the same patriots as their "class enemies".
The women's volunteer movement began. From different parts of the country, young women rushed to the front. Siberian Peasant Woman M. L. Bochkareva later recalled that the very heart called for help from the country (Bochkareva, M. L. Yashka: My life is a peasant woman, an officer and an exile. M., 2001. C. 110.). As you know, she went through the whole war, 4 was wounded several times, became a lieutenant, George Knight and organizer of the women's shock battalions in 1917. Vyatskaya peasant A. T. Palshina repeated the feat of the heroine of the Patriotic War 1812 of the year N. A. Durova - bravely fought 1914 under the guise of a man, becoming the George Knight and junior noncommissioned officer.
The members of the royal family regarded the war as their vital work, considering themselves not only masters, but also defenders of the country. With the outbreak of hostilities, the Grand Dukes joined the army: Nikolai Nikolayevich was appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief, his brother Petr Nikolayevich served with him at Headquarters, and Nikolay Mikhailovich served at the headquarters of the Southwestern Front; Boris Vladimirovich became the marching chieftain of the Cossack troops, Alexander Mikhailovich - the organizer and leader of the domestic aviation.
The younger generation of the Romanovs, the sons of Grand Duke Konstantin Konstantinovich (President of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences, a famous poet who published his poems under the pseudonym "Kr.") - Gabriel, Konstantin, Igor, Ivan, Oleg - served as officers in the Guards regiments. The latter was seriously wounded in battles in East Prussia and died in hospital. The female half of the family — spouse, mother, daughters, sisters, nieces of Nicholas II — took care of the wounded: they established hospitals, supervised sanitary trains, and worked themselves as sisters of mercy. Many high-society ladies followed their patriotic example.
The All-Russian Union of Assistance to the Wounded (Head - Prince G. Ye. Lvov) and the All-Russian City Union (Head of Moscow Mayor M. V. Chelnokov) are being created. In July, 1915, both organizations merged into one - the Union of Zemstvos and Cities (Zemgor). The leader of the Octobrist Party, A. I. Guchkov, as a special representative of the ROKK (Russian Red Cross Society), organized field hospitals in the active army. The deputy of the State Duma V.M. Purishkevich. At first, he entered the sanitary squad created by Guchkov and arrived with him in the Army, and then organized his own sanitary train and headed it before 1917.
The voluntary Society of Assistance to the Victims of War, the Union of St. George Cavaliers, the Committee for Assistance to the Families of Persons Called to War, the Moscow Committee for the Supply of Tobacco to Soldiers of Front Positions, the Book for a Soldier Committee, and others.
Charity events were carried out by artists and postal workers, firefighters and telegraph workers, artists and other members of the public. I must say that the Russian creative intelligentsia has always honored to be honored to participate in such a noble cause. During the war years, the greatest painters and graphic artists (AM and V.M. Vasnetsov, L.O. Pasternak, K.A. Korovin) tried to help their neighbors, instill confidence in victory over the enemy. And even the song that called the people to fight: “Get up, the country is huge” was written by A. Bode during the First World Teacher from Rybinsk (only a few words were different: “With the Teutonic dark force, with the damned horde” ). Being a “Russian German” and not having a chance at that moment to bring the song to the audience, the author presented it to the famous poet V. I. Lebedev-Kumach (Shambarov VE For the faith, the king and the Fatherland! M., 1993. C. 639.).
V. A. Gilyarovsky - the famous “Uncle Gilyay” - at the very beginning of the war wrote the song “Siberian arrows in 1914 year”, beginning with the words: “From the taiga, taiga dense from Amur from the river ...”. Soon it became a favorite march of all soldiers-front-line soldiers. During the Civil War, this text was “reworked” by S. Alymov (several years ago authorship was attributed to Parfenov, but this does not change the essence), and in Soviet times it became known as the song of the Siberian partisans “In the valleys and hills ...” , and the original text has been forgotten for many decades.
Thus, all strata of Russian society with due understanding and willingness to self-sacrifice reacted to the outbreak of war. As for our armed forces, the sad experience of the Russo-Japanese War forced the tsarist government to take a series of measures to strengthen them. The implementation of these reforms can be divided into two periods: 1905 - 1909 and 1909 - 1912. The first was characterized by measures to enhance the combat readiness of the troops, which, to a certain extent, was implemented, the second by quite successful actions to centralize the highest military command, reorganize the army and improve its technical equipment. In 1912, a new law on military service was enacted (instead of the outdated “milyutinsky” 1874), which provided for a reduction in family benefits and an increase in education benefits, a reduction in the draft age.
Reforms 1905 — 1912 led to positive changes in the military sphere, but much was not possible to accomplish - and Russia, according to the calculations of the General Staff, was ready for a big war only for 1917 — 1919. The Great Military Program was designed for the appropriate period. But the war overthrew all the calculations. And Russian soldiers and officers had to fill in their heroism with the flaws and remaining negative remnants in the sphere of military organization and administration.
To be continued ...
History in brief
7 — 10 in July 1914. Nikolai II received at his summer residence in Peterhof the French President R. Poincaré who arrived by sea.
R. Poincare
The political situation in Europe has already been tense - after all, Serbian nationalist G. Principle shot the heir to the throne of Vienna, Franz Ferdinand and his spouse, on 15 in June in the city of Sarajevo.
Franz Ferdinand and his wife
And it was on the day of departure of Poincare from Peterhof, July 10, that Austria-Hungary sent an ultimatum to Serbia demanding to investigate this murder, to purge the state apparatus, the army, as well as other claims. The document was drafted in harsh colors with the expectation that it would not be accepted. Moreover, the response time to it was only 48 hours, which had already expired by the time the French president arrived.
Russian Foreign Minister S. D. Sazonov noted that the time of delivery of the ultimatum was specifically tailored by the Austrian government at the time of departure of the French president from Russia. By this, they wanted to prevent the Russian and French governments, using the presence of French President and Foreign Minister in Russia, to coordinate their actions.
S.D. Sazonov.
So began the First World War. Recall that it was conducted between the Entente (Russia, France, England) and its allies and the Fourth Union, or the German Bloc (Germany, Austria-Hungary, later Turkey and Bulgaria). All in all, 38 states were involved in the confrontation, and hostilities, in addition to Europe, took place in the Middle and Far East, in Africa, in the waters of the Atlantic, Indian and Pacific Oceans. Germany claimed the redivision of the world and fought with Russia in the field of trade (high duties on Russian grain) and industry (competition of German industrial goods), for influence in Turkey. In particular, the Germans built the Baghdad railway there. The knot of contradictions between Russia and Austria-Hungary was the Balkan question (especially intensified after the annexation of the last Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908).
The Sarajevo murder agitated the whole of Europe, and exactly one month after it, on July 15, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia, launching hostilities the very next day. The Russian government responded to aggression against a friendly fraternal country by mobilizing frontier European districts. Germany, having started in advance the secret mobilization and concentration of troops on its borders, demanded that Russia stop mobilization, which was a gross interference in the internal affairs of a great country. The last and, alas, futile attempt to stop the approaching catastrophe was the telegraph correspondence of Nicholas II, who was trying to prevent the slide into war, with the German emperor Wilhelm II.
Almost 400 million people were drawn into the war during the first days. And over the next four years, 30 states with a population over 1,5 billion people were involved in its orbit, 70 million of which were mobilized into the armed forces of the warring parties.
Germany sought to defeat France, England and Russia (after tearing away the Russian Poland, the Baltic States and Ukraine from the latter), and together with Austria-Hungary to gain a foothold in the Balkans. The main land fronts are Western (French) and Eastern (Russian). Thus, Russia was becoming one of the main participants in the war.
The Russian authorities, who did not expect such a development of events, began to work out the ideological justification for participation in an armed conflict after Germany declared war on Russia. In the manifestos of 20 and 26 in July, Nikolay II defined the causes and nature of Russia's entry into the war - the defense of the territory of the Fatherland, the honor and dignity of the latter, as well as the position among the great powers and Slavic peoples.
Nicholas II
Nationwide rise
The military historian, Professor Lieutenant-General N. N. Golovin, describing the patriotic upsurge that so brightly flared up in the July days of 1914, noted a huge difference in the popular mood in 1904 and 1914.
The first stimulus that pushed the population of Russia into a swearing feat was the realization that Germany attacked us. The peace-loving tone of the Russian government towards the Germans was widely known. The German threat awakened in the Russian people the social instinct of self-preservation.
Another impetus for the struggle, understandable to everyone, is that the struggle began as a result of the need to protect the right to the existence of a single-believer and one-blood Serbian people. Moreover, this feeling had nothing to do with “Pan-Slavism”, which Wilhelm liked to talk about, pushing the Austrians to absorb the Serbs - this was sympathy for the offended younger brother. After all, for centuries this feeling was brought up in the Russian people - who led a number of wars with the Turks for the liberation of the Slavs. And the stories of the participants in this age-old struggle, handed down from generation to generation, were one of the favorite topics of "village politicians." This taught the Russian people to a kind of national chivalry. And now the Germans threatened the Serbs with destruction instead of the Turks - and the same Germans attacked us. The connection of both acts was clear to the common sense of the Russian people. (Golovin N. N. Russia's military efforts in the World War. M., 2001. C. 292 - 293.).
Prayer services were held in the country “on the gift of victory over the treacherous and insidious enemy,” demonstrations and processions — especially large-scale in Moscow and St. Petersburg. On the day after the Germans declared war on Russia, thousands of people of different classes gathered on Palace Square of the capital, and together they knelt in front of the emperor and empress on the balcony of the Winter Palace. The Emperor declared the Manifesto of entering the war and solemnly took the oath on the Gospel.
State Duma Chairman M.V. Rodzianko recalled how a huge crowd had gathered in front of the Winter Palace on the day of the Manifesto on the war with Germany. And the thundering "Hurray" flew up after a prayer for the gift of victory and the words of the Emperor not to end the war, while at least one inch of Russian land is occupied by the enemy. Flags and posters bowed to the ground - and the crowd, like one person, fell to the Emperor on his knees. He wanted to say something, raising his hand: the front rows subsided, but the noise of the crowd and the never-ending “Hurray!” Did not allow him to speak. Head down, the Emperor stood for some time, seized by the solemnity of unity with his people, and then turned and went into the chambers. When, mingling with the crowd of workers, M. V. Rodzyanko asked what they were doing here - after all, shortly before that, they were on strike and were making economic and political demands. To which he received the answer: it was our internal affair, we just thought that reforms through the Duma were going slowly, but now the business of all Russia - and we came to our Tsar and follow him in the name of victory over the Germans (M. Rodzianko. The collapse of the empire // Archive of the Russian Revolution. T. 17. M., 1993. S. 57.). That is how, contrary to the later assurances of the Bolsheviks, the workers reacted to the outbreak of the war.
On the same days, the enraged crowd, which included workers, defeated the building of the German embassy in St. Petersburg. 4 August The Emperor and his family arrived in Moscow - and he was enthusiastically greeted by at least 500 thousand Muscovites and Moscow region peasants. And then, in the Assumption Cathedral of the Kremlin, a prayer service was held “for the glory of the Russian weapons».
The prominent figure of the State Duma A.F. Kerensky described these fateful days for Russia as the beginning of the second war for national survival and a unique opportunity for the monarchy, having come closer to the people, to ensure victory and consolidation of the dynasty for many years. (Kerensky A.F. Russia at the historical turning point. Memoirs. M., 1993. C. 88 - 89.).
Officially, this war, met in a society with a unanimous patriotic impulse, began to be called Great, and among the people - German. But since it started with all-around support and the danger hung over the Fatherland, another official name, “Second Patriotic War”, took root (the press often drew a parallel with the Patriotic War 1812, whose anniversary was recently celebrated on a large scale). Already 5 August 1914 St. Petersburg was renamed Petrograd, symbolically disowning all “German” even in names. At the time of mobilization, and then for the entire period of the war, a dry law was declared in the country, which at first everyone accepted with understanding.
The surge of patriotism was expressed in the fact that the 1 of 19 of wartime mobilization was not only fast and successful (the turnout of draftees was almost 100%), but also led to a powerful volunteer movement. The latter covered the youth who had a deferment from the draft and workers who had armor in defense factories, as well as students and intellectuals. They left the army as volunteers A. I. Kuprin, S. A. Yesenin, V. V. Veresaev, N. S. Gumilev, and others. Even revolutionaries who were in exile petitioned for the desire to join the Army in action (such as the future hero Civil War J.F. Fabricius, who was in exile on Sakhalin).
A. F. Kerensky recalled that everyone instinctively felt that the war with Germany would determine the political fate of Russia. The results of the mobilization were impressive. And to the surprise and indignation of the Marxists and other socialists, the Russian workers proved themselves to be the same patriots as their "class enemies".
The women's volunteer movement began. From different parts of the country, young women rushed to the front. Siberian Peasant Woman M. L. Bochkareva later recalled that the very heart called for help from the country (Bochkareva, M. L. Yashka: My life is a peasant woman, an officer and an exile. M., 2001. C. 110.). As you know, she went through the whole war, 4 was wounded several times, became a lieutenant, George Knight and organizer of the women's shock battalions in 1917. Vyatskaya peasant A. T. Palshina repeated the feat of the heroine of the Patriotic War 1812 of the year N. A. Durova - bravely fought 1914 under the guise of a man, becoming the George Knight and junior noncommissioned officer.
The members of the royal family regarded the war as their vital work, considering themselves not only masters, but also defenders of the country. With the outbreak of hostilities, the Grand Dukes joined the army: Nikolai Nikolayevich was appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief, his brother Petr Nikolayevich served with him at Headquarters, and Nikolay Mikhailovich served at the headquarters of the Southwestern Front; Boris Vladimirovich became the marching chieftain of the Cossack troops, Alexander Mikhailovich - the organizer and leader of the domestic aviation.
The younger generation of the Romanovs, the sons of Grand Duke Konstantin Konstantinovich (President of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences, a famous poet who published his poems under the pseudonym "Kr.") - Gabriel, Konstantin, Igor, Ivan, Oleg - served as officers in the Guards regiments. The latter was seriously wounded in battles in East Prussia and died in hospital. The female half of the family — spouse, mother, daughters, sisters, nieces of Nicholas II — took care of the wounded: they established hospitals, supervised sanitary trains, and worked themselves as sisters of mercy. Many high-society ladies followed their patriotic example.
The All-Russian Union of Assistance to the Wounded (Head - Prince G. Ye. Lvov) and the All-Russian City Union (Head of Moscow Mayor M. V. Chelnokov) are being created. In July, 1915, both organizations merged into one - the Union of Zemstvos and Cities (Zemgor). The leader of the Octobrist Party, A. I. Guchkov, as a special representative of the ROKK (Russian Red Cross Society), organized field hospitals in the active army. The deputy of the State Duma V.M. Purishkevich. At first, he entered the sanitary squad created by Guchkov and arrived with him in the Army, and then organized his own sanitary train and headed it before 1917.
The voluntary Society of Assistance to the Victims of War, the Union of St. George Cavaliers, the Committee for Assistance to the Families of Persons Called to War, the Moscow Committee for the Supply of Tobacco to Soldiers of Front Positions, the Book for a Soldier Committee, and others.
Charity events were carried out by artists and postal workers, firefighters and telegraph workers, artists and other members of the public. I must say that the Russian creative intelligentsia has always honored to be honored to participate in such a noble cause. During the war years, the greatest painters and graphic artists (AM and V.M. Vasnetsov, L.O. Pasternak, K.A. Korovin) tried to help their neighbors, instill confidence in victory over the enemy. And even the song that called the people to fight: “Get up, the country is huge” was written by A. Bode during the First World Teacher from Rybinsk (only a few words were different: “With the Teutonic dark force, with the damned horde” ). Being a “Russian German” and not having a chance at that moment to bring the song to the audience, the author presented it to the famous poet V. I. Lebedev-Kumach (Shambarov VE For the faith, the king and the Fatherland! M., 1993. C. 639.).
V. A. Gilyarovsky - the famous “Uncle Gilyay” - at the very beginning of the war wrote the song “Siberian arrows in 1914 year”, beginning with the words: “From the taiga, taiga dense from Amur from the river ...”. Soon it became a favorite march of all soldiers-front-line soldiers. During the Civil War, this text was “reworked” by S. Alymov (several years ago authorship was attributed to Parfenov, but this does not change the essence), and in Soviet times it became known as the song of the Siberian partisans “In the valleys and hills ...” , and the original text has been forgotten for many decades.
Thus, all strata of Russian society with due understanding and willingness to self-sacrifice reacted to the outbreak of war. As for our armed forces, the sad experience of the Russo-Japanese War forced the tsarist government to take a series of measures to strengthen them. The implementation of these reforms can be divided into two periods: 1905 - 1909 and 1909 - 1912. The first was characterized by measures to enhance the combat readiness of the troops, which, to a certain extent, was implemented, the second by quite successful actions to centralize the highest military command, reorganize the army and improve its technical equipment. In 1912, a new law on military service was enacted (instead of the outdated “milyutinsky” 1874), which provided for a reduction in family benefits and an increase in education benefits, a reduction in the draft age.
Reforms 1905 — 1912 led to positive changes in the military sphere, but much was not possible to accomplish - and Russia, according to the calculations of the General Staff, was ready for a big war only for 1917 — 1919. The Great Military Program was designed for the appropriate period. But the war overthrew all the calculations. And Russian soldiers and officers had to fill in their heroism with the flaws and remaining negative remnants in the sphere of military organization and administration.
To be continued ...
Information