Military Review

"Green Men". Phenomenon One, or Moscow invented them (h. 3)

Part Three "Green Men" Yu. Pilsudski

"Green Men". Phenomenon One, or Moscow invented them (h. 3)

On the night of 7 on 8 of October, the group of Benjakone of General Zeligovsky, numbering 14 of thousands of soldiers (according to other sources, more than 15 thousand of people), left Verenova in the direction of the Marechanka River. Armed units of the 1 and 2 of the Polish armies, commanded by Edward Rydza-Shmigly and Vladislav Sikorski, covered the flanks of the 3 th Lithuanian-Belarusian division. The units of General L. Zheligovsky were armed with 72 lightweight anti-personnel Russian cannons of caliber 30 mm, 8 of heavy long-range French guns 185 mm, 8 of heavy 105 mm howitzers and 5 of guns 122 mm.

Before the release, the general sent a secret dispatch to General Sikorsky, in which he reported: “Taking into account that the armistice lines concluded with the Kovno government in advance and to the detriment of us, the inhabitants of Zemel: Vilnius, Grodno and Lidas, give our land, along with the Polish Vilnius, to the Lithuanians, weapons in the hands of the right to self-determination of the inhabitants of my Fatherland to defend and took command over the soldiers, of these lands by the natives. Not seeing the opportunity to act against my conscience and civic duty, I regret to announce my dismissal from the service and command of the group. Brought up in discipline and loyal to the idea of ​​liberation of the Fatherland, the commanders and army subordinate to me are now subject to my orders ”(Gomenyuk І. Providers of the other sviethovoi ...).

In the morning of October 8, the soldiers read the order of Zheligovsky about the liberation of Vilna with the further convocation of the Constituent Sejm there, which will decide the further fate of this land. The offensive began at 6 in the morning.

The general, after an official refusal to submit to his immediate superior and a statement of his resignation, issued an order No. 1 of the Supreme Command of the Middle Lithuania, declaring himself the commander-in-chief of these troops. He wrote in the order:

“The lands of Grodno and Lidsk, after so many sacrifices and labors liberated from the wild Bolshevik hordes, and Vilna - before which the allied Poland Entente stopped the Polish troops - with the Bolshevik-Lithuanian treaty, without the participation of the citizens of this country - were placed under the control of the Lithuanian government. The Entente Commission somewhere in Suwalki, without our voice, also wants to solve its problems. We cannot accept this. With arms in hand, we will defend our right to self-determination! .. By accepting the Supreme Command over you, in the name of law and our common honor, I will free our lands from invaders in order to convene the Legislative Seim of these lands in Vilna, which alone will be able to decide their fate. In order to manage these lands I urge the inhabitants of this region to ensure harmony, order and order. For the sake of this, go ahead! May the Mother of God of Ostrabrama bless our pure intentions ”(see Akcja gen. Żeligowskiego).

At Vilna, to which there was no more than 50 km, walked in three columns.

The group of Major Zyndram-Koschyalkovsky in the infantry regiment, artillery battalion and cavalry battalion was to cover the left flank from a possible Lithuanian strike.

The 1 Brigade of the 1 Division, consisting of two regiments, was to enter Vilna from the south.

The third column, which was the 2-I brigade consisting of two infantry regiments and a division of horse riflemen, was to enter the city from the south - east.

8 October Battle Map 1920

Since the railway communication was very often under Polish control, the Lithuanians could not promptly transfer the necessary number of troops to Vilno and stop parts of Zeligovsky. The latter at that time had from 14 to 17 thousand soldiers. Given the initial plan of the operation, it can be assumed that parts of General Zeligowski were quickly replenished with natives of indigenous Polish lands, and not of the Vilna region. The Lithuanian army in three divisions, scattered over a considerable territory, then numbered 19 thousand people. But they could not assemble into a single fist and strike the enemy. It is also necessary to take into account the fact that parts of the Polish Army that did not take part in the “rebellion” looming threateningly over the Lithuanians along the entire demarcation line, making it impossible to remove additional reserves from the front and throw them under Vilna.

When approaching Vilna, the Poles stumbled upon the Lithuanian 4 Infantry Regiment. The first battles began as early as midday on October 8: Lithuanians tried to prevent the 1 Polish brigade from crossing the Marechanka with machine gun fire. But with the help of artillery, the Poles managed to disperse the enemy and overcome the water barrier. At the same time, the "rebels" somewhat slowed down the pace of the offensive. Through small exchange of fire with the Lithuanians and the stretching of the columns on the march, it was not possible to take the city "on the move". The Poles stopped to rest in 20 km from it.

Poles boost the river. Marechanka

Not intending to spoil his reputation, Zheligovsky ordered the release of several prisoners of Lithuanian soldiers with weapons, explaining that the Poles do not seek to fight the Lithuanians, but "just return to their homes after the war." In Vilno, there were only two battalions of the 9 Infantry Regiment. So the Lithuanians were not able to defend effectively. Information about the Polish offensive coming to Vilna caused a panic, and in the evening on October 8 the evacuation of the city was announced, and the plenipotentiary representative of the Lithuanian government transferred power to the delegate of the League of Nations in the city. Vilna, a Frenchman, Colonel Konstantin Reboul, appointed himself interim governor, declaring a state of siege in the city. Parliamentarians were also sent to the general, but he refused to talk to them.

In 6 in the morning of October 9 march on Vilna continued. Zeligovskiy planned that the soldiers of the Vilno infantry regiment would be the first to enter Vilna, but the first to enter 14 h. 15 min. Minsk Infantry Regiment.

The inhabitants of Vilna, especially from among the ethnic Poles, were warmly welcomed by the troops of the "rebels". The general himself drove into the city on a white horse through the Ostrobram Gate at seven o'clock in the evening. He demanded that all representatives of the allied states be removed from Vilna before 12 at 12 in the afternoon of October. In the same way, he acted with the delegation of the League of Nations arrived in October on October 9, informing them of the refusal to submit to the Polish authorities and taking control of Vilna region. When asked by foreign diplomats, on what grounds did he take Vilna, the general replied that he had done this to protect the rights of the local population. When the representatives of the Entente asked who he would rely on, if he abandoned international law, the main “rebel” said that it was on the local population and his own guns. And to the ironic question of the English general: “Where did you get these guns from?” - answered: “Naturally, not with Lloyd - George and his buddies”. Further continuation of the meeting became meaningless (Gomenyuk І. Prov_sniki drugoi svitovo ї…).

General L. Zheligovsky (in the foreground) in Vilna

October 12 Zeligovsky began to form the armed forces, creating the I Corps of the Forces of the Middle Lithuania under the command of General Zhondkovsky.

Zeligovsky’s action was joyfully welcomed by the Polish press, which said that moral factors and national interests justify the violation of the oath and the insurrection itself.

The appearance in Vilna of the so-called, from the standpoint of today, the "green men" officially condemned the Entente and the League of Nations, as well as Germany. Having on their side the support of the League of Nations, the Lithuanians protested sharply. France, however, showed a greater understanding of the situation, and the United States said that they were not interested in the problem. Only London responded sharply, including the traditionally anti-Polish Prime Lloyd George. The Polish government tried to document that it had nothing to do with Zeligovsky’s actions. October 14, Prime Minister Vitos, in his speech in the Seimas condemned the “unauthorized” operation of the General, to then state that the Polish government understands the intentions by which it was guided, and hint that there is an opportunity to improve relations with Middle Lithuania.

Pilsudski’s unusual plan turned out to be very successful, and the Marshal showed great effectiveness in solving this complex issue. Above, Prime Minister Vitos wrote about this with approval: “The whole case was thought out in such a way that it looked perfectly like an independent movement of soldiers born in those lands who, without carrying out unjust rulings separating the land of Vilnius from Poland, protested against this by armed action” (quoted in Akcja gen. Żeligowskiego).

After the capture of Vilna, the military operations of the troops under the command of General L. Zheligovsky continued, with support from the flanks of the 2 and 3 units of the Polish army, towards north, northwest and west of the capital of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Meanwhile, in the south-west of Vilna, the 1-I Lithuanian division entrenched on the left bank of the r. Vilia, and to the west of Vilna itself, fighting continued, in which Koschyalkovsky’s group managed to recapture parts of the 3 of the Lithuanian division for Landvarov and Troki. Simultaneously with these events, Polish diplomats offered the version of Zeligovsky’s “rebellion” to the Entente and outraged Lithuanians and threw up their hands - they say, we can’t do anything. It was said that the general and his chief of staff, Bobitsky, filed a report on the dismissal from the Polish Army (although during all this operation they continued to be officially part of the Polish army). Lithuanian representatives, outraged by such cynicism, protested loudly and, moreover, were afraid that Zeligovsky units could later attack their present capital, Kaunas (Polish name Kovno), which the 3 Lithuanian division defended from “rebels” three times inferior to the forces of Zeligovsky. It was also taken into account that to the Vilna the Poles secretly (but the Lithuanian intelligence was able to reveal it) threw parts of the 2-th Lithuanian-Belarusian Infantry Division. Theoretically, one could not worry about Kaunas: Pilsudski, the lands inhabited by ethnic Lithuanians were of little interest. And the Poles were not going to tease Entente and the League of Nations once again.


In later memoirs of L. Zheligovsky there is a record that J. Pilsudski never intended to occupy Kaunas. He was taken out of the normal state by “shouts of great states and statements against”. According to L. Zheligovsky himself, Kaunas could and should have been taken, but for this it was necessary to have an action program. He complained that he “did not have the strength” to stay in Kaunas. But the most important thing that prevented him from reaching Kaunas and taking the city was the lack of political will. “I saw that Warsaw was not ready to lead to the end. Occupation of Kaunas would have burdened my shoulders with unbearable cargo ”(quoted on How Poland occupied the Vilnius region

On October 10, the Poles seized the city of Sventiany in the northeast of Vilna, and the next day they continued their offensive to the west, forcing the Lithuanians to force on the Kaunas direction. October 12 Lithuanians signed an armistice agreement with Soviet Russia. And Zeligovsky as commander-in-chief of Central Lithuania, on the same day announced his Decree No. XXUMX. In it, he assumed the supreme power in the territory. The executive body was supposed to be the Provisional Government Commission. The frontiers of the state Central Lithuania were established under the Lithuanian - Soviet agreement of July 1 12 and the Polish - Lithuanian demarcation line of July of the same year.

Approximately at the same time, Pilsudski wrote a letter to the ambassadors of France and England in which he threatened to resign from the post of commander-in-chief of the Polish Army and the Head of State in case of continued pressure on Poland in connection with the actions of Zeligovsky. October October Lithuanians managed to launch a counteroffensive. Their 13-division won the old Troc and railway junction Landvarovo. In contrast to this, the next day, Zeligovsky units threw back the 3 Lithuanian division from its positions on the r. Vilia. It should be noted that, according to Lithuanian intelligence, the 1-I Polish division of the legionary infantry of the Polish Army, which did not officially participate in the "mutiny", acted against them in the area of ​​Orana. 3 numbers in the evening the Poles retreated from the city without a fight, and the next day they tried to capture the railway station closest to the city. The same 15 of October, the Lithuanian 15-division with the support of artillery and armored vehicles attacked the Polish position, but without much success.

On October 16, units of Zeligovsky continued to attack the Lithuanian 3 Division, which began to retreat a couple of days later.

During these battles, the “rebels” were renamed: they became known as the 1 Corps of the Central Lithuanian Forces. Corps was appointed to command General Jan Zhondkovsky, who headed the 1-th Lithuanian-Belarusian division before being appointed to the post of its commander Zeligovsky. The corps included three infantry and one artillery brigades, the Harcer Infantry Regiment (formed from volunteers from Polish scouts), an engineer battalion, a platoon of armored vehicles and rear units.

Among the Polish local population, mobilization of recruits was announced immediately after eight years of birth.

The Lithuanians at that time tried, without any particular results, to create a second front for the Poles, recognizing the Belarusian People’s Republic and allowing the formation of its military units on its territory.

After a short break, the troops of Central Lithuania 20 in October 1920 continued the offensive. On the night of October 21, the 13 th Polish Ulan regiment was able to capture the headquarters of the 1 Lithuanian division. As a result, the division had to retreat. The 3 of the Lithuanian division also had to retreat. The attacking Polish units were supported by an armored train. October 24 under Polish control passes direct communication between Vilna and Warsaw. Lithuanians had certain successes. November 1 their 2 Infantry Regiment them. Vitovta managed to discourage the Gedroytsy from October 22 from October (in 50 km north of Vilna).

Somewhere in the middle of this heroic confrontation, 28 of October 1920, at a meeting of the League of Nations, it was decided that the plebiscite should be decided by the League. Warsaw expressed its consent, insisting that the territory of the plebiscite be extended to the vicinity of Kovno, where the Polish population prevailed. The Lithuanians also agreed to a plebiscite, but wanted to limit its territory only to the vicinities of Punska and Sein, which meant the refusal of Vilnius to participate in the plebiscite. But later, on November 10, the Polish Sejm decided to achieve an unambiguous introduction of the Vilna region to Poland, which naturally struck Pilsudski’s plan to form (Gomenyuk І. Provisniki drugoi svitovoi ..).

The head of state himself visited Vilna without much ado these days. He brought a “gift” with him - three selected infantry regiments from Wielkopolska. They were thrown into the area Gedroytsov.

Lithuania tried to get weapons from England and Germany and led negotiations on receiving money with Soviet Russia. These negotiations minimized the threat of a Polish attack on Kaunas. The Lithuanians were transferred 3 million rubles in gold from the Bolshevik government of the RSFSR. The documents accompanying this deed of transfer indicated the following: “Proceeding from the friendly relations of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic to the Lithuanian People, and taking into account the seriousness of the present position of the Lithuanian Democratic Republic, the Government of the RSFSR decided to issue the due date of the Peace Treaty in accordance with paragraph 3, Art.12 of the Peace Treaty "(Valery Ivanov" De jure and de facto ": capture captured L. Zeligovsky and the Soviet-Polish truce (October 1920)).

In Central Lithuania, this time financial problems grew, cases of desertion increased (here, unlike in Poland, demobilization was not announced).

16 November Poles intensified hostilities, breaking through the front of the Gedroytsy. The Lithuanian General Staff was not so confused this time and took a chance. Nearly all the forces were transferred from under Suwalki and a decisive blow from the flank of 19 November was foiled by the advance of the Poles, some of whom were encircled.

Lithuanian army soldiers before the battle

On the same day, the weather turned bad, and the struggle threatened to turn into a protracted exhausting conflict. Therefore, in the evening 19 numbers L. Zeligovsky agreed to the demands of the League of Nations to stop the offensive, but with the condition that the Lithuanian troops also cease hostilities. The Lithuanians agreed on the day of November 20. True, the Lithuanians decided to repay the Poles: since the truce came from 9 in the morning of 21 in November, in the time available they managed to recapture the Hedrois, Shirvinta and Rykonty. That same night, a group of Polish cavalry under the command of Butkevich continued its offensive in the Lithuanian rear areas. The group returned back only on November 24, breaking through the Lithuanian position from the rear.


It is interesting to note that the Lithuanians took into account the lessons of the “Zeligovsky rebellion” and soon took advantage of the scenario with the “green men”. In January, 1923. Lithuanian forces invaded the Enformed-controlled zone of Memelland, populated mainly by ethnic Germans. It was announced as Klaipeda Uprising. Therefore, we can assume that one of the reasons why the Council of Ambassadors agreed in March 1923 to join Vilna to Poland was the Lithuanian adventure with the capture of Memel in January of the same year.

On November 27, a formal armistice agreement was signed on the 14.00 day in Kaunas. At the same time, the Polish government guaranteed its compliance with Central Lithuania. All hostilities were supposed to stop at midnight on November 30.

In fact, official Kaunas, with a pain in his heart, agreed to the fact of the existence of Central Lithuania (although this does not mean that the Lithuanians did not want to destroy this entity at the first opportunity).

The Council of the League of Nations began to prepare the holding of the plebiscite, but the Lithuanians, fearing its results, prevented its holding. In this situation, the Council of the League of Nations 3 in March 1921 refused to hold a plebiscite in Vilnius, proposing the division of Lithuania into two cantons: Vilnius and Kovena. Warsaw quickly accepted the offer, and Kaunas rejected it. The next plan, providing for the autonomy of Vilnius within the framework of the Lithuanian state, was rejected by the Poles. In such a situation, the Council of the 21 League of September 1921 of September decided to end the procedure because it was impossible to achieve reconciliation in the Polish-Lithuanian dispute.

20 February 1922, at its tenth meeting, the Central Lithuania Seimas voted to join Poland. For it was 96 deputies, another 6 abstained. The Polish Parliament voted for this February 24. And on April 6, the Polish Sejm passed the law “On the Adoption of State Power over Vilna Land”. (Gomenyuk І. Provisniki are friends of their own…).

The Council of the League of Nations recognized the fact of 15’s accession on March 1923, but the Republic of Lithuania and Soviet Russia opposed such a decision.

R.S. Lithuanians still managed to defend independence and Kaunas. But in the relationship with the Poles for a long time there was a big dark spot. The question of the return of Vilna, which the Lithuanians called Vilnius, became one of the main issues in Lithuanian politics and public life during the interwar period.

For the internal Polish policy, the annexation of the region was a great victory, but disastrously ruined relations with Lithuania deprived the Poles of a strategic ally, with whom it was no longer possible to flirt, being sent to medieval friendship.

And finally.

In 2014, on the Military-Political Review website, Denis Gaishun posted an article entitled “Polish-Lithuanian War: A Question of the Future or the Past?” (Http:// from 06.09.2014).

We quote this article in a somewhat abbreviated form:

“At the conclusion of the NATO summit in Wales, Lithuanian Foreign Minister Linas Linkiavicius said that secret documents had been agreed to accommodate an unified military alliance in the country and a contingent of allied allies in the alliance. However, why the Poles have this news causes a mixed assessment?

The answer lies in the long-standing mutual hostility and enmity of the two countries - Poland and Lithuania, as well as in mutual claims on the lands of the neighbor. Thus, Lithuanians are demanding that the city of Sejny and its environs lost in the 20s of the last century be reclaimed, while the Poles claim Vilnius region, where today more than 60% of Polish citizens live.

Here, for example, what the Polish media say.

“For the sake of one-sided anti-Russian solidarity in the name of Ukraine, Poland has forgotten its commitment to the Poles living in Lithuania and the standards in the field of the rights of national minorities guaranteed by the European Union,” said Polish publicist Rafal Zemkevich on the pages of the Do Rzeczy publication. According to him, “the Polish minority in Lithuania is clearly persecuted, and in Lithuania’s foreign policy it is difficult to recognize any sign of gratitude for many years of Polish concern” ...

This is especially relevant to recall in early September, when Vilnius celebrates the day of the city - the day of liberation from the Polish invaders.

Then in the autumn of the 39th, the inhabitants of Vilnius rejoiced, welcoming the entry of Lithuanian soldiers into the city. Lithuanian leader Atanas Smetona wrote: “... thanks to the Soviet Union and the Red Army, it was restored historical justice - Vilnius is freed from the Poles, finally reunited with Lithuania and again became its capital. ”

However, this was preceded by a bloody war, which went down in history under the name of Polish-Lithuanian.

And September, Lithuanians are connected not only with a joyful event - the return of the capital, but also with the loss of part of the territory. In 2014, 95 turned years after the end of the Polish-Lithuanian conflict, which resulted in the repatriation of the border town of Sejny and the adjacent territories to Lithuanians. This event, which took place in September 1919, is the subject of an article by the Polish historian Adam Grzeszczak, published in the weekly Politika.

Located in the northeast of present-day Poland (modern Podlaskie voivodship), the city of Sejny was inhabited mostly by Lithuanians, but in 1919, when the occupation forces of Germany began to be withdrawn from these territories, the new authorities in Warsaw, headed by Józef Piłsudski, decided to retake the city from Lithuania and attach it to Poland.

Meanwhile, for Lithuania, Sejny was a landmark city, and not just a geographical point on the map. “Sejny for Lithuanians is an outstanding place. It was there and in Kaunas that the Lithuanian national movement was born at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, ”writes the Polish historian. The city had a Lithuanian Catholic seminary, whose graduates for the first time dared to conduct services in their churches not in Polish, but in Lithuanian.

In order not to attract too much attention to the annexation of the city, it was decided to occupy the city with the forces of the semi-regular Polish Military Organization (CROW), a structure specially created for sabotage actions in the territories that the leadership considered “occupied”. The rejection of this territory from Lithuania led to the fact that until the beginning of World War II, relations between two neighboring states could be defined as a “cold war,” writes A. Grzeschak.

And more: from February 17 2018

Lithuanian nationalists: Lithuania is on the verge of a new Polish occupation.

Members of the non-parliamentary party Union of Lithuanian Nationalists and Republicans criticized the intention of the Vilnius authorities to open a street in honor of the Polish President Lech Kaczynski who died in a plane crash. In their opinion, this is nothing more than a new wave of wild polonization of Lithuania, reports political observer

The Union of Lithuanian Nationalists and Republicans (Lietuvos tautininkų ir respublikonų sąjunga) stated that new “Zheligovtsy” (General Lucian елиeligowski seized Vilnius in 1920 the year settled in the city self-government, marking the beginning of the Polish occupation of the Lithuanian capital and the whole Vilnius region. XNUMX seized Vilnius, beginning the Polish occupation of the Lithuanian capital and the whole Vilnius region. XNUMX started the Polish occupation of the Lithuanian capital and the entire Vilnius region. The beginning of the Polish occupation of the Lithuanian capital and the entire Vilnius region. In XNUMX, the beginning of the Polish occupation of the Lithuanian capital and the whole Vilnius region took place. whose actions play into the hands of official Warsaw’s imperial ambitions, which, despite assurances of friendship, cannot come to terms with the fact that Lithuania is a sovereign and independent state, and not a legacy of the Polish crown.

“New Zeligi people suggest calling Vilnius Street on behalf of President Kaczynski and adding a decorative plaque with text in a non-state Polish language. According to the director of the metropolitan administration Povilas Poerskis, he was a good friend of the Lithuanian state, so it’s natural that we want to perpetuate his name on the occasion of 100- anniversary of Lithuania. "(Something similar is happening now in Ukraine with the renaming of the capital avenue into the avenue of McCain. - Approx. Ed.)

The head of a foreign state, who, on behalf of Poland, did not apologize for the occupation of the Lithuanian capital, the persecution of Lithuanians, which lasted two decades and the Lithuanian genocide carried out by the Home Army ... The man who even presented the order to Z. Shenzelaju (Zygmunt) Szendzielarz) and demanded during his visit to Vilnius, violating all the rules of diplomacy, to change the Constitution of Lithuania by means of a parliamentary procedure that would replace the Lithuanian alphabet, should they be respected? If this is considered merit before Lithuania, then it remains only to wait for the streets and monuments in honor of Zeligovsky and Pilsudski to begin to reappear all over Lithuania ", the party said in a statement.

As you can see, the story continues.

Sources of

The article was based on the material from the study of the Ukrainian historian Ivan Gomenyuk “Forerunners of the Second World War (border conflicts in Central-Eastern Europe)” (Gomenyuk І. Provisionaries of other countries (prikordonni konflikti in Central-Hіdnіy Evropі. - Kharkyv, 2017 p.). Valery Ivanov "De jure and de facto" with minor additions and clarifications of the author.

Other sources:

Grishin Ya.Ya. Unusual ultimatum. Kazan: Kazan University Publishing House, 2005

Frustrating agreement /

History of Vilnius /

History of Lithuania /

How Poland occupied the Vilnius region /,56:5.

A brief history of Lithuania /

Foch Line: first option /

Lucian Zeligovsky (Lucjan Zeligowski) /

Union of Russian Lithuania /

The formation of a multipolar structure of the world after the First World War /

Krzysztof Buchowski. X-NUMXth and 19th Centuries / annuals/20070927015825annual_en.html # a23.

Endre Bojtár. Foreword to the Past: A Cultural History of the Baltic People. Central European University Press, 1999 / 5aoId7nA4bsC & pg = PA202 & redir_esc = y.

Akcja gen. Żeligowskiego /,akcja-gen-zeligowskiego.
Articles from this series:
"Green Men". Phenomenon first, or whether Moscow invented them
"Green Men". Phenomenon One, or Moscow invented them (h. 2)

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  1. antivirus
    antivirus 5 September 2018 08: 19
    join the Suwalki corridor == warms the soul
  2. vladcub
    vladcub 5 September 2018 08: 54
    Mikhail, my gratitude to you: the work is interesting, for example, I had no idea about these events.
    "The government of the RSFSR decided .... 3 million rubles in gold" strike me with thunder if in 1920 everything was blissful in Russia, that 3 in gold, and this is cooler than a dollar, to throw down the drain.
    And now they "thank" us that I do not find decent words for their assessment.!
  3. igordok
    igordok 5 September 2018 11: 14
    Belarus, in the plans of Poland, was to become Eastern Lithuania.
    At the end of the 1920 of the year, this program envisaged the creation of three republics - Western Lithuania, or Zhmudi (capital in Kovno), Middle Lithuania (capital in Vilna) and Eastern Lithuania (capital in Minsk).
  4. Flavius
    Flavius 6 September 2018 13: 21
    Very interesting stuff