According to a number of observers, the speech of the Georgian leader, delivered by 8 of August, clearly went beyond the usual protocol framework, and the revanchist notes were clearly heard in it.
It is clear that the subject itself seemed to suggest some kind of anti-Russian fabric from which Georgy Margvelashvili, despite his reputation as a cautious and prudent politician, could hardly shy away from the realities of the current political course pursued by Tbilisi, but here he was clearly overdone. And his speech was quite consonant with what is said in Kiev. There were also assurances of the speedy “victory over Russia” and that “Georgia will soon restore its territorial integrity by regaining control over the originally Georgian territories”. Made the president and excursion into history, declaring the “northern neighbor” of the everlasting hostility to the Georgian people, and that Russia has always been against the independence of Georgia, and since 90, after the collapse of the USSR, tried to “punish Georgia”, which it did in 2008 year, “ treacherously attacking the Georgian army. "
For what purpose does the Georgian president start playing the anti-Russian card again? Does he really intend to move by Saakashvili and make another attempt at aggression against Abkhazia and South Ossetia?
This is extremely difficult to assume: Margvelashvili and his team, despite their distinctly pro-Western orientation, are quite adequate and pragmatic, and so far have not shown suicidal tendencies. They are not going to fight with Russia (and aggression against Sukhum and Tskhinval will mean war with Moscow), and they need anti-Russian rhetoric exclusively for domestic consumption.
Let us explain: the European integration policy, consistently pursued by the current regime, proved, to put it mildly, not very successful. At least for the absolute majority of Georgians. She didn’t bring any promised “gingerbread” to them.
Soon after 2008, it became clear that Georgia was interested in the West exclusively as a springboard against Russia, and no one was torn by not only “carrying her suitcases”, but even taking her interests into account. Even the notorious “bezviz” does not inspire Georgians too much: they are not at all eager to be guest workers who are attached to their homeland, home, family and traditions.
At the same time, the main political partners of the current Georgian regime, the West and Turkey, among other things, impose on Georgia not only their own rules of the game, but also standards and even values.
So, if Islamization of Ajara and some other regions of Georgia is a factor in co-operation with Turkey, the West imposes “European values” on the Georgian people, including militant anti-Christianity and sodomy.
And if those who are willing to pay such prices prevail among the country's political elite, the absolute majority of ordinary Georgians are extremely negative about both options, seeing in it a threat to the very existence of the Georgian nation. Legalization of marijuana, the imposition of "gay parades" and "civil partnership", as well as other requirements of Western partners or the Turkish Islamization of Ajara are clearly regarded here as a direct encroachment on the traditions and foundations of Georgian society, on its religion and culture.
At present, the Euro-skeptics movement is gaining momentum in Georgia, represented even in the country's parliament (the Alliance of Patriots of Georgia), as well as the nationalist movement (in particular, the Georgian March), which opposes Western "values", Islamization and migration.
The third opponent to the political course of the Georgian authorities is the most authoritative force in society - the Georgian Orthodox Church, which firmly stands for the protection of the spiritual and national traditions of the Georgian people, opposes the imposition of alien, European or Turkish standards.
Recall that the GOC is categorically opposed to the propaganda of debauchery and sodomy "in the spirit of advanced global trends."
This position of the church caused great irritation to Saakashvili, who surrounded himself with sectarians, atheists and outspoken Satanists.
Today, a fugitive ex-president has been declared by Tbilisi on a wanted list, but the power that replaced him is also unhappy with the GOC, which "inserts sticks in the wheels" of European integrators.
No joke, the Orthodox do not give a single "gay parade", which they demand from Tbilisi in Brussels and Washington.
Yes, and the “honeymoon” with Turkey is hampered by the GOC, categorically speaking against otushchivaniya and Islamization of Ajaria.
To top it off, the Georgian Orthodox Church today is becoming a gathering place and a pillar for European skeptics and all truly national Georgian forces, while remaining the highest spiritual authority for the Georgian people.
But that's not all. An increasing number of Georgians criticizing the current authorities are beginning to look towards Russia. And it’s not just the cultural, religious, and historical closeness of our peoples. The economic factor also works.
All that the Georgian manufacturers tried unsuccessfully to attach in the West could be realized in the North, after a truly huge Russian market reopened for Georgian goods in 2013.
It is here that the lion’s share of Georgian exports comes true, mainly agricultural products: wine, fruit. Thus, Russia retains leadership in the list of importing countries, where in just six months of last year more than 19,3 million bottles of wine were sent, which is 89% more than in January-June 2016 of the year, the Georgian National Wine Agency reports.
In addition to Russia, the top five countries included: China - 3,8 million bottles of wine (growth in 104%), Ukraine - 2,9 million bottles (growth in 30%), Poland - more than 1,2 million bottles (growth in 13%) and Kazakhstan - over 1,1 million bottles.
As we can see, the gap between Russia and other importers is colossal, and considerable efforts by Georgian politicians and businessmen to create other, alternative sales markets have not yet yielded any special results. The tourism business of Georgia is also largely maintained by the citizens of our country.
Based on this, a number of politicians in Georgia talked about the need to normalize relations with Moscow, urging them not to proceed from contradictions and mutual offenses, but to rely on what binds us together and unites.
Russia ceases to be a bugaboo in Georgia, while the Georgians themselves, communicating with the Russians, try to avoid discussing the events of August 2008.
Suffice it to say that Tbilisi dispersed about a year ago, throwing it with eggs and water bottles, a rally under the slogan “No to Russian fascism”, which was held by the “Freedom Movement - European Georgia”. Opponents of the rally were nationalists from the movement "Georgian March".
As we can see, the situation in Georgia is such that the regime and the course pursued by them risk completely losing the support of the people and being isolated.
And in order to prevent this, the authorities are increasing their anti-Russian propaganda, trying, speculating on the tragic events of the "August war", to "rally" the nation under their hand in the face of an "external enemy", and to declare everyone who opposes such a flow "internal agents of the Kremlin" and "internal enemies ”that impede the movement into a bright European future.
However, despite all these efforts, more and more people in the country come to the conclusion that the historically verified option that allows Georgians to remain Georgians, preserve their mentality, their faith, traditions and culture, is an alliance with Russia.
And its lack of alternativeness is beginning to be understood by a large part of Georgian society. Like the fact that Russophobia, chauvinism and anti-Russian orientation of Georgian politics are an order of the West imposed on the political elite that could lead the country to consequences even more tragic than the loss of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.