“The fate of Dukhonin was decided. Further known. Dukhonin was torn to pieces. ” Part of 1
Nikolai Nikolaevich Dukhonin was born in 1886 year in Smolensk Province. He came from a family of hereditary military. His grandfather, Lawrence Grigoryevich, was a hero of the Crimean War and the St. George Knight. My father, Nikolai Lavrentievich, also rose to the rank of general. Moreover, he achieved a high position not due to the patronage of his father, but due to his efforts and talent. In general, the Duhonins received a noble title precisely for their impeccable military service. And therefore they got into the second part of the Pedigrees of the Noble books. There just made a military nobility.
Soon the Dukhonins' family moved to Kiev. Here Nikolai Nikolayevich graduated from Vladimir Kiev Cadet Corps (1894 year), and two years later - the Moscow Third Alexander Military School. And after that, Dukhonin was in the Life Guards of the Lithuanian regiment.
Supporting talent with diligence and flawless discipline, Nikolay Nikolayevich in 1902 managed to graduate from the first category of the Nikolaev Academy of the General Staff and was promoted to the staff captain of the guard (renamed the captain of the General Staff).
The further career of the young military was more than successful. In 1906, Nikolai Nikolayevich was awarded the Order of St. Stanislav and St. Anne of the third degree, and after that - the post of Assistant Senior Adjutant of the Kiev Military District. In Kiev, Dukhonin soon married Natalya Vladimirovna Werner.
Another interesting thing: for almost a whole year, Nikolai Nikolayevich was greatly assisted by the senior adjutant of the district - Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Sergeevich Lukomsky. Lukomsky became a mentor for the young Dukhonin, helping him to adapt as quickly as possible to the new position and range of responsibilities. A year later, Alexander Sergeevich was appointed Chief of Staff of the 42 Infantry Division. Now Dukhonin became a mentor for Lukomsky, since prior to his transfer to Kiev, Nikolai Nikolayevich held the position of senior adjutant in this infantry unit as part of the Russian imperial army. This mutual assistance and mutual assistance only strengthened the friendship between the two military men. Then they didn’t even know under what circumstances they would meet after the 1917 events of the year ...
I must say that Dukhonin was distinguished by a rare ability to attract people to himself. This applied to the management and subordinates. For example, he developed excellent relations with the new chief of staff of the district, Mikhail Vasilyevich Alekseev. Dukhonin himself was made to headquarters officers for assignments at the headquarters of the Kiev Military District. In general, Alekseev became for Nikolay Nikolayevich not just a friend, but an example to follow. Mikhail Vasilyevich, in turn, highly appreciated the knowledge and skills of Dukhonin.
In 1912, Nikolai Nikolayevich himself took over the post of senior adjutant of the headquarters of the Kiev Military District. A year later, the same Alekseev recommended Dukhonin for a foreign trip as an observer to the maneuvers of the Austro-Hungarian troops. Since the situation in Europe at that time was already reminiscent of a powder keg, the military understood that a large-scale armed conflict could hardly be avoided. And proceeding from a geographical position and a political position, Austria-Hungary could become one of the main opponents of Russia. In general, we decided to play it safe, and at the same time, get food for thought.
In mid-July 1914, Dukhonin became a senior aide to the department of quartermaster general of the staff of the Third Army. He was in charge of intelligence, and “For that, from 11 to 16, Sep. 1914, along with a reconnaissance of the fortifications of Przemysl and, in particular, of the Sedlis group, associated with a clear danger to life, established the exact composition of the garrison of the fortress and other data, which later assaulted the storming of two forts from the Sedlis group. weapons (Golden Weapon "For courage").
I must say that, despite a successful career, Dukhonin managed to avoid “scandals, intrigues, investigations”. Co-workers, regardless of titles, noted his high professional and human qualities. This is how Colonel Boris Vladimirovich Gerua spoke about him: “He was a capable and very active officer with an open, direct character.”
And this is the memoirs of General Pyotr Nikolayevich Wrangel: “Of medium height, full, ruddy, with thick curly black hair, extremely youthful, he gave the impression of a very soft, modest person. The general had a lot of glorious deeds, and the crosses of St. George decorating his chest and neck spoke of this. ”
By the way, Nikolai Nikolayevich received the Order of St. George of the third degree for battles at Byala and Mokra in 1915. In those battles, he commanded the Lutsk Infantry Regiment of 165. And in December of the same year, Dukhonin was promoted to major general. A little later, he was appointed assistant quartermaster-general of the headquarters of the South-Western Front, General Mikhail Konstantinovich Diterikhs. And in May of the following year, Nikolai Nikolayevich took the post of Diterikhs, who was appointed head of the second Special Infantry Brigade.
In August 1917, Dukhonin became a lieutenant general. And in September - Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky. Here is what Alexander Fedorovich recalled about him: “Dukhonin was a broad-minded, frank and honest person, far from political squabbles and machinations. Unlike some older officers, he did not mourn and grumble about the "new system" and by no means idealized the old army. He was not horrified by the soldiers' committees and government commissars, realizing their necessity. Moreover, the daily reports on the situation at the front, which he compiled at Headquarters, were balanced and reflected the real state of affairs. He never sought to paint the army in the form of a gang of irresponsible scum. There was nothing in him from the old military bureaucrat and martinet. He belonged to those young officers who adopted the art of winning from Suvorov and Peter the Great, and this, along with many other things, meant that they saw nothing in their subordinates. robotsand above all people.
In the red maelstrom
When the Bolsheviks seized power in the country, the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander in Mogilyov began to play the role of a red rag for the bull for them. They understood that Mogilyov could well become almost the largest center of resistance, since Nikolay Nikolayevich himself was an ardent anti-Bolshevik. After the armed uprising of the Bolsheviks, Dukhonin created a special group at GHQ. And its commander appointed Mikhail Konstantinovich Diterikhs. He was required to coordinate all actions on internal fronts. On November 7, 1917, Nikolai Nikolayevich addressed the army: “... under the influence of Bolshevik agitation, most of the Petrograd garrison ... joined the Bolsheviks ... The sacred duty to the Motherland ... required the army to maintain complete calm, self-control and a strong position in the positions, thereby assisting the government and To the Council of the Republic ... ” He also sent a telegram to Petrograd, in which he demanded from the Bolsheviks subordination to the Provisional Government, and also urged to abandon the armed seizure of power. It is curious that at the end of the telegram, Dukhonin decided to use the threat, stating: "the current army will support this requirement with force."
The next day, Nikolai Nikolayevich and the Commissar of the Provisional Government at Stavke Stankevich appealed to the soldiers not to obey the Bolsheviks. A telegram was sent to the front commanders: "The headquarters, the commissar up and the all-army committee share the point of view of the government."
And the next day, Dukhonin did not abandon attempts to reach the Bolsheviks, demanding that they stop the violence and submit to the Provisional Government. A telegram with such a message was sent in the morning, but already in the afternoon he sent another to Moscow: "Together [with] the army committees I take measures to help Moscow and free it from the rebels."
On November 11, Nikolay Nikolayevich addressed General Kaledin, sending him a message to Novocherkassk: “Would you find it possible to send a squad of Cossacks from Don to Moscow to help the government forces suppress the Bolshevik uprising, who, after suppressing the uprising in Moscow, could go to Petrograd to support the troops General Krasnov. The next day, he sent Kaledin another telegram. But, by and large, time has already been lost. And as a proof of this was the failure of the march on Petrograd Kerensky and Krasnov. After these events, Aleksandr Fedorovich handed over the position of Supreme Commander to Nikolai Nikolayevich.
When Dukhonin found out about this, he first of all appealed to the soldiers, urging them not to give up the position, "... in order not to let the enemy take advantage of the turmoil played out inside the country and further deepen into the borders of his native land."
Gradually, the Stavka became the main center where all those who were dissatisfied with the Bolshevik government began to push. And the leaders of numerous groups attempted to create at the Stavka an All-Russian "homogeneous socialist government from the Bolsheviks to the popular socialists." Well, the main decision was to make SR Chernov. And representatives of the Ukrainian Central Council were able to knock out the formation of the Ukrainian army on the ethnic and territorial type.
It is difficult to imagine under what pressure in those days was Nikolai Nikolayevich. They constantly demanded something from him, calling on him to solve many problems overnight, which were growing. Moreover, the requirements were put forward both from their own people and from “strangers”. And in a conversation with a member of the Commissariat for Military and Maritime Affairs Nikolai Vasilyevich Krylenko Dukhonin stated: “The headquarters cannot be encouraged to take part in deciding on the legality of the supreme power and, as the highest operational and technical body, considers it necessary to recognize these functions ... The attitude of the high command to the civil war is expressed in the order of our top of 1 November, which stopped the movement of troops to Petrograd. ”
Further more. On November 21, a telegram arrived from the Council of People's Commissars. In it, the Supreme Commander urgently demanded to enter into negotiations with the enemy. The goal was clearly marked - a truce. Nikolay Nikolayevich, of course, was against such a plot development. Therefore, I ignored the telegram, trying to delay the answer to the last. But the next day, Dukhonin was called to the telephone. On the other side was not only Krylenko. The company he made up of Lenin and Stalin. They repeated their order. And Nikolai Nikolayevich refused to comply. He had a formal reason for such an action, and he took advantage of it. Dukhonin said that such negotiations with the command of the enemy is the competence of the central government, not the commander. The reaction was naturally tough. Nikolay Nikolayevich heard that he was being removed from his post. But, he had to fulfill his duties until the arrival of the new commander-in-chief — of course, Krylenko: “In the name of the government of the Russian Republic, on behalf of the Council of People’s Commissars, we dismiss you from your position for disobeying government regulations and for unbearable disasters for the working masses all countries and especially the armies. We order you, under the fear of liability under wartime laws, to continue to conduct your case until a new commander-in-chief or a person authorized by him to take matters from you arrives at the rate. Warrant Officer Krylenko is appointed Commander. ”
As for Dukhonin, he was immediately declared the "enemy of the people." The countdown began and the already former Supreme Commander understood this perfectly well. He understood why and for what Krylenko was going to bet. But Nikolai Nikolayevich could not humbly accept fate. I did not allow this to do an officer's honor.
But Krylenko, having received parting words from Vladimir Ilyich, set out on a journey. Lenin ordered him to create a detachment of loyal soldiers, seize the headquarters and begin negotiations with an external enemy. And with the inner ... deal with it in accordance with the requirements of the revolutionary time. Krylenko himself later said: “The first enemy is the external one. He is not dangerous, an armistice will be concluded with him. The second enemy is hunger, the prevention of which is taken care of by the government of the people's commissars. The third enemy is a counter-revolutionary command structure, headed by Dukhonin, a Kornilov. With him will be the most brutal struggle! "
Dukhonin, meanwhile, informed the commander of the fonts about Lenin’s decision. True, he said that he still remains in office and will not negotiate with foreign opponents. According to contemporaries, Dukhonin, the words of the appointment of an ensign in his place, Nikolai Nikolayevich perceived as a great folly. Moreover, he sincerely believed that the Bolsheviks would come to their senses and return Krylenko back. It didn’t fit into the head of Dukhonin that Lenin decided to put an ensign in his place. Nikolai Nikolayevich was convinced that Krylenko had just managed to get into the jet at the right time and nothing more. Therefore, he believed that he would not be able to pull the heavy load of the “gifted” post.
And while the ensign was driving, Dukhonin tried to somehow influence the demoralized army: “Give time for true Russian democracy to form power and government, and it will give us immediate peace together with the allies.”
But did the Supreme Commander himself believe in this? The question, of course, is rhetorical. He saw in what state (in the literal and figurative sense) his army was in. In fact, she did not even submit to him. The fact is that special commissioners settled in all departments of the military ministry, who personally approved or wrapped up one or another order. The words of the commander-in-chief without the signature of the commissioner were invalid.
Meanwhile, Krylenko also considered it his sacred duty to turn to the army: “Soldiers, continue your struggle for an immediate truce. Choose your delegates to negotiate. Your Supreme Commander Warrant Officer Krylenko is going to the front today to take up the cause of fighting for an armistice. ”
There was another appeal addressed to the Stavka: “I demand that since the signing of the truce not a single bullet has whistled towards the enemy. I demand that the conditions of the concluded contract be fulfilled sacredly. Anyone, no matter who is, from a general to a soldier, who dares to violate my order, will immediately be put on the spot to a revolutionary court. ”
A few days before, Vladimir Ilyich had made a similar appeal. On behalf of SNK, he told the soldiers that they themselves began to conclude a truce with the enemy along the entire front line: “Let the regiments on their positions immediately choose authorized representatives. We give you rights to it. ” When Dukhonin learned about such an act of Lenin, he regarded it as a betrayal: "These actions exclude any concept of statehood and may not be useful to the Russian people - the Bolsheviks call themselves commissars, but, of course, only Wilhelm."
But no matter how hard Dukhonin tried, he failed. And the heads of the military missions of the allied states at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander handed him a collective note of protest. All of them were outraged by the violation of the treaty of 1914 of the year, which forbade the allies to conclude a truce or a separate peace. This note was forwarded by Nikolai Nikolayevich to all the commanders. He once again personally appealed to the soldiers not to succumb to Bolshevik provocations and to fulfill military duty to the end. But ... his words were drowned in the buzz of Bolshevik statements.
Here is what General Anton Ivanovich Denikin recalled: “Dukhonin was and remained an honest man. He was clearly aware of the duty of a warrior in the face of the enemy behind the trench line, and was true to his duty. But in the abyss of all the contradictions thrown into life by the revolution, he was hopelessly confused. Loving his people, loving the army and despairing of other ways to save them, he continued to walk, reluctantly, on the way to a revolutionary democracy, drowning in word streams and fearful business, lost between the Motherland and the revolution, gradually passing from the struggle "on a national scale" to an agreement with the Bolsheviks, from the armed defense of the Stavka as a “technical apparatus” to the surrender of Mogilev without a fight. ”
Here is another statement by Denikin: “A brave soldier and a talented officer of the General Staff brought Kerensky voluntarily and disinterestedly to their work, refusing any struggle in the field of military policy and reconciling with the role of a“ technical adviser ”. Dukhonin went to such a role, obviously risking his good name, and later life, solely because of the desire to save the situation. He saw in this the only and last resort. ”
While waiting for Krylenko, Dukhonin committed the deed with which he hammered the last nail into the lid of his coffin. He ordered the release of generals from Bykhov prison who were implicated in the Kornilov speech in August 1917. Kornilov himself, Denikin, and Lukomsky, and several other prominent figures of the military theater found themselves at liberty. Thanks to the order of Dukhonin, they were able to organize the “White Resistance” in a short time ...
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