By decision of the Entente, the Czechs and Slovaks remained in Russia, turning from allies into interventionists. And nowadays, Czechoslovak murderers and marauders, who left an unkind memory in many cities and towns of Russia, put up monuments and monuments.
Intervention. Czechoslovak Corps
The military-political work of the representatives of the Entente in Russia after the conclusion of the Brest Peace was conducted in two main directions. On the one hand, the Westerners tried to create an international army under the cover of the creation of a new anti-German front with the consent of the Soviet government for the occupation of Russia and the subsequent "world revolution" and the creation of a new world order. To this end, foreign advisers and intelligence officers worked actively with Trotsky. To strengthen the international Red Army, it was supposed to land the Japanese corps in Vladivostok, the landings of the Entente in Arkhangelsk and Murmansk, to use the Czechoslovak Corps, the Chinese, etc. On the other hand, as far as possible, the Western powers provided assistance to various counter-revolutionary, anti-Bolshevik forces: white, white cossacks, nationalists, etc. The fratricidal slaughter had to bleed and weaken Russia and the Russian people as much as possible so that the Russians could not hinder the plans of the Westernizers.
However, the anti-Bolshevik forces, weak, isolated, not enjoying the support of the people, were defeated. And the plan to create an international Red Army as the core of the future "world army" of a single "world government" (after the victory of the "world revolution) failed. For his part, Lenin thwarted the policy of “balancing” between the two imperialist camps, which Trotsky conducted, solving the tasks of the masters of the West in Russia. Lenin saw that the Western powers were more dangerous than Germany, which was already losing the war, and went on a further rapprochement with the Germans. The Westerners responded with a speech by the Czechoslovak Corps, the assassination of the German ambassador Mirbach, the uprising of the Left Social Revolutionaries and the attempt on Lenin. As a result, the power in Soviet Russia was to be intercepted by Trotsky and implement the ambitious plan of the "world revolution" in the interests of the owners of the West. But all these plans were destroyed by the Russian Communists, who fought for the people's interests.
On the other hand, the predators of the world were not united. In particular, during the World War, the Japanese Empire solved its own strategic tasks - it seized the possessions of Germany in China, strengthened its positions on Chinese soil. And after the revolution in Russia, she wanted to seize the Russian Far East, all of Sakhalin and Kamchatka. The Japanese did not want to send troops deep into Russia right up to the Volga and there to clash with the Germans and Russians. In this war, they managed to abandon the “happiness” of being a cannon fodder of the West. It is clear that this irritated the United States. Washington wanted to control Russian Siberia, the Far East (with the help of Trans-Siberian Railway) and felt in Japan a dangerous competitor in the Pacific. The Americans did not want a serious strengthening of the Japanese Empire at the expense of Russia.
Therefore, Westerners stepped up their activities to help anti-Bolshevik forces. It was necessary to organize and unite the counter-revolutionary forces that were defeated under the pressure of the Reds. As the first stage of the Civil War in Russia showed, the Soviet government was strong in the center and could suppress the centers of counterrevolution and separatists in the outskirts. Anti-Bolshevik forces were scattered over a huge area, did not have serious support among the people. We needed a core, a core, with the help and under the cover of which it would be possible to organize and build up counter-revolutionary (white) forces. In addition, in the future, this battle core may become the basis of the new Eastern Front, directed against the German bloc, if the world war still continues.
The Czechoslovak Corps became such a backbone for the new organization of counter-revolutionary white forces. Thus, the armed insurrection of the Czechoslovak Corps, which broke out in the spring and summer of 1918, changed the whole picture of the outbreak of the Civil War in Russia, especially in Siberia and the Far East. It was formed at the initiative of the Union of Czechoslovak Societies in Russia in the autumn of 1917, from Czech prisoners of war and Slovaks of the Austro-Hungarian army and deployed in the rear of the Southwestern Front. The corps consisted of two infantry divisions and a reserve brigade: the commander was General V. N. Shokorov, the chief of staff was General MK Diterikhs. At first - about 30 thousand bayonets. The corps, which retained combat capability, was a powerful striking force. During the first stage of the Civil War, whites, Cossacks and Reds fought with detachments and echelons with a force of several hundred or thousands of bayonets and sabers (the period of the "echelon" war).
After October, the corps submitted to Kiev. In connection with the Brest-Litovsk negotiations of the 1918 of the year, in agreement with the Entente powers, on January 15, the Czechoslovak Corps was declared an autonomous part of the French army. When Kiev and Moscow entered into an agreement with the Germans, the corps was doomed to isolation and death. The Austrians, taking the Czechs prisoner, hung them up as traitors. Through Kiev, the Czechs withdrew to Penza, creating a problem for the Soviet government. The Czechs did not want to be part of the Red Army. And it was extremely difficult and dangerous to disband 1918 40 in the spring of 26, thous. Yes, and to attack the former allies was a shame. The French, who at that time barely restrained the last strategic offensive of the German army, asked that the corps be redeployed to France. There was a question about the transfer of the corps to Western Europe. XNUMX March in Penza, representatives of the Council of People's Commissars represented by People's Commissar for Nationalities Joseph Stalin, the Czechoslovak National Council in Russia and the Czechoslovak Corps signed an agreement according to which the Bolsheviks promised to assist in the transfer of Czech units to Vladivostok, from where they could evacuate to continue fighting France In exchange, the Czechs transferred to the Soviet government most of weapons, leaving only necessary for the protection of military echelons. Sending echelons with Czechoslovak Corps fighters proceeded extremely slowly - the first echelon, which came out of Penza from March 27, reached Vladivostok only a month later. Subsequent echelons stretched across the Trans-Sib. As a result, by the end of May 63 echelon with Czechoslovak troops (numbering more than 40 thousand people) stretched by rail from Rtishchevo station (near Penza) to Vladivostok, that is, for about 7000 kilometers.
The Czechoslovak command was hostile to the Bolsheviks, the attempts of the Soviet authorities to disarm the corps were met with the desire of the Czechoslovaks to take with them as many weapons as possible. Delay echelons and rerouting part of them led to a mutual distrust of the Soviet government and corps command. On April 21, People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs George Chicherin sent a telegram to Krasnoyarsk demanding to suspend further movement of trains with soldiers of the Czechoslovak Corps. This was done under pressure from the German ambassador, Wilhelm von Mirbach, because Germany did not want to strengthen the armies of the Entente on the Western Front. Germany put pressure on Soviet Russia, so that the Czechs would go to France as long as possible, ideally they did not even reach it. Mirbach also demanded from Chicherin the speedy evacuation of German and Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war from Siberia, fearing that they might suffer from the Czechoslovakians who were fighting to fight on the side of the Entente, and from the Japanese and British who had entered Vladivostok.
27 April Trotsky at the request of the Entente ordered to suspend the sending of the Czechs to the Far East. Their trains stopped from the Volga to the Baikal. On May 11, a meeting was held in Lloyd George’s residence in London, at which it was decided “to recommend the governments of the Entente countries not to take the Czechs out of Russia,” but to use them as “interventionist troops”. The formal reason for the uprising of the Czechoslovak Corps was the clash of Czechoslovak legionaries and Hungarians at the Chelyabinsk railway station, where the 14 of the corps and the train with prisoners of the Austro-Hungarian army were close to each other. Former subjects of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, now enemies, expressed dislike for each other in every possible way, cursed and fought. After the Czech Frantisek Duhachek was wounded by a metal object thrown at him, the legionaries beat several Hungarian prisoners of war, and Johann Malik, who threw a piece of iron, was killed with a bayonet. 17 May Chelyabinsk Council arrested several legionnaires suspected of killing Malik. Their colleagues rushed to the city center, where they seized an arsenal, cut off the telephone lines and freed the arrested legionnaires. The Czechs disarmed the local Red Guard detachment, capturing 2800 rifles and an artillery battery.
Two days later, in Chelyabinsk, which was fully controlled by the troops of the Czechoslovak Corps, a congress of Czechoslovak military delegates opened. On May 20, a meeting of delegates of the Czechoslovak Corps decided not to surrender their weapons and continue on to Vladivostok. New governing bodies were formed: the Provisional Executive Committee of the Czechoslovak Army (Chairman B. Pavlu), the Military Collegium and the Military Council (Lieutenant Colonel S. N. Voitsekhovsky, Captains R. Gaida and S. Chechek). “Of course, nothing threatened the Czechs as long as they sought to achieve their stated goal, i.e. get to Vladivostok by the Siberian railway. The Czechs were the attacking side, ”noted the well-informed General William Sydney Graves, who commanded the American occupation forces in Siberia and the Far East during the Civil War.
Contrary to the formal decision to move east, Captain Radol Gaida ordered 25 in May to the Chief of Staff of the 7 Tatarsky Regiment, Captain E. Kadlec to capture Mariinsk, and to the commander of the 1 Battalion of the 6 Regiment to capture the Chulimskaya station. 25 May Czechoslovakia captured Mariinsk. Here Trotsky again helped the invaders, not allowing the conflict that had begun to settle. On May 25, the Czechs intercepted an order from the chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of Trotsky about disarming the corps, shooting at the place of every armed Czechoslovakian and imprisoning the entire Mariinsky echelon for the prisoners of war. This was a direct pretext for the immediate action of the Czechoslovak Corps against the Soviet government.
The operation began with four operational groups: the Volga, Chelyabinsk, Siberian and Vladivostok. The latter was commanded by S.N. Voitsekhovsky, a lieutenant colonel in the old Russian army (who received the rank of lieutenant-general in the Kolchak army in 1919 year). The Czechoslovakians, with the support of local white forces, seized the entire Siberian railway, from the Volga to Vladivostok. The gold reserve of Russia, later transferred to the “All-Russian” government of Admiral A. V. Kolchak, was seized in Kazan. After that, the main forces of the Czechoslovak Corps were turned to the West.
Czechoslovak machine gunners
Car-barracks of the Czechoslovak Corps
Killers and Marauders
Speech corps accompanied by massacres and indiscriminate robbery. On the night of 27 in May 1918, the Czechoslovakians seized Chelyabinsk and Novonikolaevsk. The next day they entered the Miass plant. The witness of these events, Alexander Kuznetsov, described their actions in this way: “May 28 at st. Miass profits Czechoslovakia. After a two-hour battle, the units of the Red Army retreated. The Czechs took them captive in the battle of the Jaunzem and Brodis sawing plant to the forest and killed them. Gorelov Fedor Yakovlevich (17 years) who was captured was hanged, he was executed by a platoon of Czechs for rude treatment of a convoy, threatened to avenge his comrades killed in battle. On the same day, the legionaries took Nizhneudinsk. They arrested the military commissar and chairman of the Revolutionary Tribunal V. A. Kakoulin and almost the entire composition of the Nizhneudinsk Council (A. S. Gorensky, R. Ya. Shneerson, P. V. Labeev, A. G. Straus, K. M. Petrashkevich, D. A. Kashik, N. F. Yamanov, Lebedev and others). On the morning of June 18, after the 20 days of torture and bullying, they were shot.
29 May after a two-day bloody battle legionnaires captured Penza, as well as Kansk and Syzran. “After the battle, Penza became“ pockmarked, ”especially the upper floors of houses, the eyewitness testified. - Bullet holes in the buildings. Many were like a sieve. The streets seemed entangled in a metallic web. Bundles of torn telegraph and telephone wires dragged along the sidewalks, hanging down from the tilted or completely collapsed pillars. At the torn fence of Lermontovsky Park, against the district court, the curious looked at uncleared corpses, bloody splashes on the destroyed pillars ”. After the victory, the legionnaires mercilessly dealt with the soldiers of the 1 of the Czechoslovak Revolutionary Regiment. The former fellow soldiers and countrymen who were captured were beaten and shot. Also robbed the city military and food warehouses, shops, houses of the inhabitants until the evening.
On May 31, the legionnaires captured Petropavlovsk, where 20 members of the local Soviet and four Czech internationalists were shot dead. On the same day, the Czechs took Tomsk and Taiga, and June 2 - Kurgan. June 8 Legionnaires captured Samara. Within a few days, hundreds of Red Army men and workers were shot dead in the city and its environs. Immediately began the formation of counter-revolutionary centers of power and strength. June 8 in Samara, liberated from the Bolsheviks, created the first alternative to the communist government after the October Revolution - the Committee of Members of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly (Comm). It included five Social Revolutionaries who did not recognize the January decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on dispersing the meeting and found themselves in Samara at that time: Vladimir Volsky, who became the chairman of the committee, Ivan Brushvit, Prokopy Klimushkin, Boris Fortunatov and Ivan Nesterov. The Committee, on behalf of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, proclaimed itself the temporary supreme power in the country until a new meeting was convened and, in cooperation with the Czechoslovak Legion, began to form its own army, called Narodnaya, to fight the Bolsheviks. Already on June 9, the 1 volunteer Samara squad of 350 men was formed. The squad included two infantry companies, a cavalry squadron, a horse battery and a subversive team. The commander of the squad became Lieutenant Colonel General Staff Vladimir Kappel.
9 June Czechoslovakia captured Omsk, 14 June - Barnaul, 17 June - Achinsk, 18 June - Troitsk. Menshevik S. Moravsky recalled: “At about five o'clock in the morning on 18 on June 1918, the city of Troitsk was in the hands of the Czechoslovakians. Immediately began the massacres of the remaining Communists, Red Army soldiers and sympathizers of the Soviet government. A crowd of merchants, intellectuals and priests walked with the Czechoslovakians through the streets and pointed to the communists and co-workers, whom the Czechs immediately killed. About 7 in the morning on the day of the occupation of the city I was in the city and from the mill to the hotel of Bashkirov, no more than one mile away, I counted about 50 corpses tortured, disfigured and robbed. The killings lasted two days, and, according to the staff captain Moskvichev, a garrison officer, the number of those who were tortured numbered at least a thousand. ”
20 June Czechs seized power in Vladivostok. By this time there were about 15 thousand people here. Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Vladivostok Council K. A. Sukhanov and other members of the Council - the Bolsheviks - were shot. The city duma came to power, in which the right-wing socialist revolutionaries (Social Revolutionaries) and the Mensheviks had the most seats. 6 July, the interventionists declared the port city, where the Provisional Government of Autonomous Siberia settled, and then the so-called Business Cabinet (created in the summer of 1918, in the Chinese city of Harbin, by the CEL general DL Horvath) under the protectorate of the Allied powers of the Entente. Vladivostok troops of the Czechoslovak Corps launched an offensive to the north of Primorye, but unexpectedly faced strong resistance from the Red Guard and partisan detachments. Under the city of Nikolsk-Ussuri formed the so-called Ussuri front.
These are just a few stories. There are a lot of such evidence and facts. The interventionists organized a new wave of murder, terror, violence and looting in Russia. At the same time, the Czechoslovak legionaries did not hesitate to rob their former liberators from captivity and allies. Not only common people and reds, but also whites responded with indignation and hatred about legionaries. In particular, Lieutenant-General Alexei Budberg, head of the government ministry in the government of Alexander Kolchak, wrote: “Now the Czechs are carrying around 600 loaded wagons, very carefully guarded ... according to counterintelligence data, these cars are filled with machines, machines, precious metals, paintings, various valuable furniture and utensils and other goods collected in the Urals and Siberia. ”
Another Kolchak general, Konstantin Sakharov, quoted the newspaper Delo Rossii, which wrote in 1920 year: “Having departed to the rear, the Czechs began to squeeze their military booty there too. The latter struck not only with its quantity, but also with its variety. What, what just did not have the Czechs. Their warehouses were bursting with a huge amount of Russian uniforms, weapons, cloth, food supplies and shoes. Not content with requisitioning state-owned warehouses and state-owned property, the Czechs began to take away everything that came to hand, completely disregarding who owned the property. Metals, all sorts of raw materials, valuable cars, thoroughbred horses were declared Czechs military booty. Some of the medications they collected were worth over three million gold rubles, rubber for 40 million rubles, a huge amount of copper was removed from the Tyumen district, etc. The Czechs did not hesitate to declare their prize even the library and laboratory of Perm University. The exact amount of stolen Czechs can not even be counted. By the most conservative estimate, this kind of contribution cost the Russian people many hundreds of millions of rubles and significantly exceeded the contribution made by the Prussians to France in 1871. Part of this production was the subject of open sale and sale to the market at inflated prices, part was loaded into cars and is intended for shipment to the Czech Republic. "
As a result, the loot in Russia, gold, silver, various values, equipment and goods allowed the Czechs to create the basis for their state - Czechoslovakia.
Armored train "Orlik". Penza group Czechoslovakia. Ufa, July 1918 of the year
"Kind" memory of murderers and robbers in Russia
It is surprising that since 1991, Russia has been honoring not only war criminals among whites like Admiral Kolchak, but also Czechoslovak legionaries who have left a very unkind memory in Soviet Russia. For example, the Ministry of Defense of the Czech Republic is implementing its “Legion 100” project in Russia, erecting monuments to the soldiers of the Czechoslovak Corps who died during the years of the Civil War. In total, the installation of 58 monuments is planned in the territory of the Russian Federation. Some of them have already been erected.
October 20 The 2011 of the year in Chelyabinsk at the station square with the participation of the ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the Czech Republic to Russia, Peter Kolary, and other Czech, as well as Slovak and Russian officials, solemnly unveiled a monument to Czech legionnaires. A year later, the monument appeared in Kungur on the territory of the historical landscape complex "Ascension Necropolis". Today, monuments to legionnaires have been erected in other cities. Moreover, if part of the memorial signs were erected in cemeteries, what else can be understood, then in Chelyabinsk, Penza, Pugachev and Upper Uslon they are in public places.
The inscriptions on the monuments are also interesting. It is said on the monument in Chelyabinsk: “Czechoslovak soldiers, brave fighters for the freedom and independence of their land, Russia and all Slavs are buried here. In the brotherly land gave their lives for the revival of humanity. Expose the heads before the grave of the heroes. ” Immediately there are questions to the Russian authorities and officials: why “for the freedom and independence of their land, Russia,” the legionnaires fought under the command of the Western powers, the former enemies of Russia and the Russian people? They were invaders, invaders in the Russian land, realizing the strategic objectives of our enemies. And what about the “exploits” of legionnaires and other interventionists — mass terror, the killing of prisoners and rebel peasants, robbery and violence?
Thus, after the uprising of the Czechoslovak Corps (which began at the direction of the masters of the West), the Civil War received a new powerful impetus. As a result, Russia suffered huge human and material losses. And the glorification, the glorification of Czech legionaries in modern Russia is a betrayal of our ancestors, who washed with blood in the struggle against external and internal enemies of Russia and the Russian people.
The central monument of the pantheon of legionnaires in Vladivostok