The dictatorship of the Bolsheviks was at this moment the most expedient and right step. Only the party of Russian communists had a project for the development of a new (Soviet) civilization program and ideology corresponding to the interests of the overwhelming majority of the population of Russia. It was based on social justice and the construction of a new "bright world", where there will be no parasitism of a small social stratum over the people.
The 5 (18) of January in the Tauride Palace in Petrograd was the official opening of the Constituent Assembly - an elected body of 786 delegates, which it was decided to convene shortly after the February Revolution to determine the future state system of Russia. Elections to it took place in November 1917, after October, but the Bolsheviks who seized power did not dare to disperse it immediately, because the idea of the Constituent Assembly was very popular in society.
As a result of the elections, more than half of the seats in the assembly were received by socialist revolutionaries (Social Revolutionaries), about a quarter - by the Bolsheviks, and the liberal party of the Cadets also showed a good result. Such well-known politicians such as Alexander Kerensky, Cossack atamans Alexander Dutov and Alexey Kaledin, Ukrainian nationalist Simon Petliura, etc. were elected to the Assembly. That is, people who had actually killed “old Russia” and wanted to remain at the top of the government got into the Constituent Assembly.
The victory of the Bolsheviks and the Soviet government proclaimed by them was under threat. The leader of the Bolsheviks, Vladimir Lenin, viewed the results of his party critically: “Combining the three main groups of parties in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, we get the following result: the party of the proletariat (Bolsheviks) - 9,02 million [voters], 25%; the parties of the petty-bourgeois democracy (socialists, revolutionaries, Mensheviks, etc.) - 22,62 million, 62%; landowners and bourgeois parties (cadets, etc.) - 4,62 million, 13% ". Of the deputies present at the first meeting of 410, the majority were also right Social Revolutionaries and their allies, while the Bolsheviks and Left Social Revolutionaries had only 155 mandates (38,5%).
On the same day, January 18, Pravda published a decree signed by Moses Uritzky, a member of the board of the Cheka, banning all meetings and demonstrations in Petrograd in the areas adjacent to the Tauride Palace due to “fears of any provocations and pogroms ". The fears were not in vain: the Right SRs initially really prepared to withdraw armed supporters on this day, as well as two "razagitirovannye" regiment, accompanied by armored cars. But in the morning of January 18, the Social Revolutionaries refused to use force and invited the soldiers to come out in support of the Constituent Assembly unarmed, so that there was no bloodshed. This proposal aroused a storm of indignation among the soldiers: “Why, comrades, are you really laughing at us? Or are you kidding? ”We are not small children and, if they went to fight with the Bolsheviks, they would do it quite consciously ... And the blood ... blood, perhaps, would not have been spilled, if we left the whole regiment armed ".
As a result, clashes really began on the streets of Petrograd and Moscow. The Bolsheviks blocked the approaches to the Tauride Palace by the forces of Latvian shooters loyal to them. Latvian regiments amid general chaos and the collapse of 1917, retained organization and fighting capacity. They historically hated the Germans, so they could not desert and leave for Latvia, occupied by German troops. After a truce with the Germans, the Latvian units were removed from the front and the 8 regiments became the strike force of the Bolsheviks (they were then deployed into the 16 regiments). In addition, the Bolsheviks had another strong trump card - detachments of sailors. Criminal elements joined them, various representatives of the "bottom", so the sailors were a very peculiar part of the "army" of the Reds. But the liberals, various socialists hostile to the Bolsheviks, did not have this either. They preferred to make spotlights, talk about the need for action (rather than act) and reform, etc.
True, supporters of the Constituent Assembly, despite the ban, responded with demonstrations of support, in which they participated, according to various estimates, from 10 to 100 thousand people. Among them were armed men, but the majority were unarmed - intellectuals, employees, workers. The soldiers opened barrage so that the protesters did not pass to the Tauride Palace. Several thousand people nevertheless marched to the palace with slogans - “Long live the Constituent Assembly!” As a result, this crowd was also dispersed. During the dispersal of the demonstrations were killed and wounded.
An eyewitness to the events, D. N. Bogdanov, a worker at the Obukhov Works, recalled: “I, as a participant in the March 9 of January 1905, must state the fact that I didn’t see such a harsh reprisal there that our“ comrades ”who still dare to call themselves as such, in conclusion, I must say that after the shooting and the wildness that the Red Guards and sailors worked with our comrades, and even more so when they began to pull out the flags and break the poles, and then burn them on the fire, I could not understand what country i am in: or to a socialist country, or in a country of savages, who are capable of doing everything that the Nikolaev satraps could not do, now Lenin's good fellows have done. ” Among the dead were prominent activists of the Social Revolutionary Party. The same fate awaited the Moscow demonstration in defense of the Constituent Assembly, where more than 50 people were injured during the skirmishes from both sides more than 200 were injured. In particular, the building of the Dorogomilovsky Council was blown up, where the Chief of Staff of the Red Guard District and several Red Guardsmen were killed.
Thus, the Soviet government did not repeat the mistakes of the tsarist regime and the Provisional Government, which by their lack of will and weakness made the anarchy in the capital prevail, which ultimately destroyed the “old Russia”. After the victory of the Februaryists of the capital, the army and the whole country were plunged into anarchy, “meetingovshchina”, the soldiers decided at meetings whether to fight the enemy and listen to the officers (or better to finish them). The army completely collapsed and collapsed. The soldiers returned to their homes in masses, the country was saturated weapons and people who are ready to shed blood who have not yet cooled off from the war. The peasants began their war with the landed estates, divided the land. The criminal revolution began, whole gangster "armies" are formed. National suburbs seethed and separated from Russia, began the massacre of Russians on the outskirts. In the Crimea and Central Asia, the forerunners of the current jihadists — Islamists and Basmachis — began to stir. The Western powers, Turkey and Japan began to divide the “Russian pie”. The economy was collapsing, the transport system was in chaos, in some places hunger had already begun. The rich began to flee, exporting capital and values to the West and East. That is, Russia was writhing in agony, and February revolutionaries wanted to continue talking "about the fate of Russia", already in the framework of the Constituent Assembly.
The meeting of the Constituent Assembly itself opened with the proposal of the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Bolshevik Yakov Sverdlov to recognize all decrees and resolutions of the Council of People’s Commissars (SNK) and to accept the draft Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People written by Lenin. The declaration declared Russia "the Republic of Soviets of Workers, Soldiers and Peasants' Deputies." But the deputies of the 237 meeting voted against 146 decided not to consider this declaration at all. So they actually rejected the Soviet power as illegitimate. Then 244 was elected by the Socialist-Revolutionary Centrist Viktor Chernov by the votes of the meeting.
Already on the night of January 6 (19) (the meeting was still going on) the Bolsheviks left the Tauride Palace in protest against the refusal of the Constituent Assembly to accept their declaration. Fedor Raskolnikov, representative of the Bolshevik faction, said: “Not wanting to cover up the crimes of the enemies of the people for a minute, we declare that we are leaving the Constituent Assembly in order to transfer to the Soviet authorities of deputies the final decision on the attitude to the counter-revolutionary part of the Constituent Assembly.” An hour after the departure of the Bolsheviks, the Left SRs also left the palace. The remaining deputies in the hall continued their work and adopted a number of documents: the law on land, proclaiming the land as public property, declaring Russia a democratic federal republic and calling on the belligerent powers to begin peace negotiations. During the meeting, “spectators” actively participated in it - revolutionary sailors (they mostly adhered to anarchist positions), which Uritzky wrote out passes, who was appointed by the Bolsheviks as the Commissioner of the All-Russian Commission for the Convocation of the Constituent Assembly.
Lenin ordered not to disperse the meeting immediately, but to wait for the meeting to end and then close the Tauride Palace and not to let anyone in there the next day. The meeting, however, was delayed until late at night, and then until the morning. Commissioner Dybenko (he was also elected to the Constituent Assembly from the Baltic fleet) stated to the chief of security Zheleznyakov that it was required to disperse the Meeting by force immediately, without waiting for the end of the meeting. The meeting was roughly interrupted at 5 a.m. when the head of the palace guard, sailor Anatoly Zheleznyakov (“sailor Zheleznyak”), entering the hall, said: “I received instructions to inform you that all those present left the meeting room because the guard tired and wants to sleep. " The next day, when the deputies approached the palace, they found the doors closed, and next to them stood a guard with machine guns and two artillery pieces. The security service stated that there would be no meeting, since it was forbidden by the Bolshevik government, and showed the machine gun: “If you don’t disperse, we’ll tickle”.
Viktor Chernov is a Russian political figure, one of the founders of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and its main ideologue.
The Pravda newspaper that day came out with an editorial: “The servants of bankers, capitalists and landowners, the allies of Kaledin, Dutov, slaves of the American dollar, the murderers from around the corner - right-wing Social Revolutionaries demand all themselves and their masters - enemies of the people - in the Constituent Assembly. In words, as if joining the demands of the people: land, peace and control, in fact they are trying to overwhelm the noose around the neck of socialist power and revolution. But the workers, peasants and soldiers will not fall for the bait of the false words of the worst enemies of socialism, in the name of the socialist revolution and the socialist Soviet republic, they will sweep away all its obvious and hidden murderers. ” On January 21, the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly was published.
Thus the short work of the Constituent Assembly ended ingloriously. It was the right step, the February revolutionaries who had already killed the Russian autocracy and the Russian Empire received a majority in the Assembly. Their power led to the complete collapse of Russian statehood. Russia was in agony and to continue the path of “Western democracy” and demagogy meant to deprive the people and civilization of all chances for recovery. The Bolsheviks took power and offered the people and Russia a new development project, an idea (socialism, social justice) and a program. At the same time they had the organization, will and determination to achieve their goal.
It is clear that among the party of Russian communists there were also “enemies of the people” - revolutionaries-internationalists, Trotskyists, who, like the feminists (Westerners, masons), solved the problems of the owners of the West to eliminate Russian civilization and Russian super-ethnos. But in general, the vector of the Bolshevik Party was correct. And the “fifth column” eventually won and created the advanced civilization of humanity - the Soviet Union (red empire), restored the territory of the Russian empire and gave all people not only in Russia, but throughout the world hope for a fair world order.
Sailors who participated in the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly. January 1918