What is the value of the Russian Imperial House?
Russians mostly learned about the existence of Grand Duchess Maria Vladimirovna Romanova and the Russian Imperial House only in the post-Soviet period. Prior to this, all of their knowledge about the post-revolutionary succession to the throne was limited to the cheap popular scenes from the popular adventure film “The Crown of the Russian Empire”.
With the end of communist hegemony, the people of the Russian capital, whose fate was re-challenged by the socialist revolution and forced to live in emigration for many years, have become frequent. The authorities willingly accepted former compatriots, encouraged their attention to Russia and even decided to declare reconciliation of the participants in the civil war.
This reconciliation turned out to be somewhat strange. The overwhelming heirs of the white movement participants did not hurry to return to Russia, but insisted on the rehabilitation of their ancestors, returning to them a good name. The process has begun. A good name was returned, for example, to Admiral Kolchak.
The atrocities of his army are still remembered throughout Siberia. In the new Russia, the admiral appeared a patriot and a man of honor. They wrote books about him, made films (documentary and artistic). Over time, it turned out that this worthy man turned out to be shot by order of bastards from the Irkutsk Military Revolutionary Committee.
The circle is closed. Instead of reconciliation, they simply changed signs. White made even whiter and even fluffy, red - black fiend hell. Satisfied with such a favorable turnover, the heirs of the participants in the civil war returned to their European homes. In Russia, after them, there was a feeling of deep guilt for the revolution, so ruthlessly deciding the fate of compatriots.
Grand Duchess Maria Vladimirovna was also adopted by the highest persons of the Russian government. Taking advantage of this, the Russian Imperial House tried to obtain an official state status. However, it soon became clear that, as in the mentioned adventure film, there are at least two such houses, and, to put it mildly, they are not very friendly with each other.
The Russian authorities have become more restrained in relations with the Grand Duchess, although they did not hinder her various initiatives. For example, in 2008, the Head of the Russian Imperial House took under its patronage the Russian State University of Trade and Economics.
In 2012, Grand Duchess Maria Vladimirovna took patronage of the Baltic patrol ship, the latest at that time (commissioned in 2009) fleet "Yaroslav the Wise." Patronage of warships is a long-standing Russian and Soviet tradition. Labor collectives and even entire cities commit themselves to provide feasible cultural and material assistance to the crews.
So the Grand Duchess took the Baltic watchdog under her care. True, with reservations. Kirill Nemirovich-Danchenko, adviser on interaction with public organizations and state authorities of the Russian Federation of the Russian Imperial House, immediately warned the sailors: “The imperial house is not valuable material goods, but, above all, authority.” On that and conspired.
Communication with modern Russia did not melt the heart of the Grand Duchess. After all our reconciliation and repentance, the revolution, which has radically rebuilt Russian society, has remained a misfortune for it, which it has been quietly living in in Spanish Madrid since Franco times.
What is the trouble for the imperial house of the Romanovs, then for Zyuganov - “a breakthrough from the darkness of capitalist slavery”
In contrast to the Grand Duchess, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Gennady Zyuganov, spoke on the occasion of the 100 anniversary of the October Revolution, not with a message, but with congratulations from compatriots. As we have become accustomed, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has listed in detail the slogans under which the socialist revolution took place. He noted its obvious achievements and significance for the world community.
“October marked the beginning of a new era,” Gennady Zyuganov wrote in his congratulations. “Labor and solidarity, equality, fraternity and collectivism were her main commandments. The course of events has acquired a qualitatively new direction. A country appeared on the world map where a man of labor took power into his own hands. The results hit the whole planet. "Soviet miracle" - is thousands of the best factories and plants. It is the elimination of illiteracy and advanced science, the exit into space and a powerful defense shield. These are unique guarantees in the field of education, health care and social protection. The emergence of a new man - a man-creator, ahead of time.
What did not appear in Zyuganov’s congratulations was compassion in memory of the sacrifices that Great October brought. Objective researchers agree that “they do not make revolution in white gloves,” and that “tectonic social transformations are not possible without struggle and blood.”
They recognize: the birth of a new social order, like the birth of a person into the world, occurs through pain, blood and tears. However, according to the estimates of modern official historians, this was excessive in the October Revolution. The expected conclusion brought with it not only compassion for the people killed in the hard times, but also some kind of shyness for the fact that a complete drama revolution took place on our land.
So in public discourse extremes did not overlap. The head of the Russian Imperial House sees revolution-trouble in the events of October. Gennady Zyuganov - a great breakthrough. The official authorities do not have a single position. Russian President Vladimir Putin is cautious. In his opinion, the October Revolution still “requires a deep objective professional evaluation.”
The straightforward Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev does not bother in great doubt. Three years ago, at the opening of the Council for the Restoration of the New Jerusalem Monastery, he recalled that the day of the “October Revolution” in Soviet times was celebrated as the main state holiday. “Today, most of our citizens understand that this is the day of the tragedy, which largely determined the future history of the country and the civil war,” Medvedev drew the line of doubts and did not correct his position anymore.
It is quite clear that with such an attitude towards the history of October, the authorities did not properly respond to the numerous requests of Communist leader Gennady Zyuganov "to celebrate the 100 anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution as a public holiday."
How the Russian revolution is being driven into the shadow of the Chinese revolution
Last December, President Vladimir Putin still issued a decree on events for the 100 anniversary of the 1917 revolution. The document was unusual. By his decree, the President instructed the Association “Russian Historical Society” to form an organizing committee for the preparation and holding of events dedicated to the anniversary of the revolution. The government finally distanced itself from the historic jubilee, placing its holding on a public organization.
She performed her function. With the assistance of the Ministry of Culture, she organized several unnoticed by the press scientific conferences and seminars devoted to the analysis of the events of the October Revolution, and three thematic exhibitions in Moscow museums dedicated to the anniversary date. That's all.
The reserved attitude of the Russian authorities to the anniversary of the revolution was recently manifested in the reaction of the press secretary of the president Dmitry Peskov to the journalists' question, how will the Kremlin celebrate the anniversary of the revolution? “And in connection with what it is necessary to celebrate, explain to me. I don’t quite understand the question, ”said Putin’s spokesman.
Meanwhile, if you look closely, today the persons of the current Russian government are the main beneficiaries of the October revolution. Judge for yourself if under the tsarist regime could a boy from a simple working Petersburg family rise to the heights of the head of the Russian state? The answer is obvious - no. It can be attributed to almost all the current inhabitants of the Kremlin, including the "dull" press secretary and the categorical prime minister.
So why are these people so “quietly let down” the 100 anniversary of the revolution? Historian Nikita Sokolov offers his explanation. In his opinion, “the idea of civil equality, social justice, under the slogan of which the revolution began, is uncomfortable for discussion, for example. And this topic is not timely in a country with a high coefficient of social inequality. ”
Political analyst Abbas Gallyamov makes an absolutely extravagant conclusion: “The idea that it’s right for the overthrow of the power should not come to the Russians. Only one way out is to hush up the topic. ” One can argue with him, remember how, in his message to the Federal Assembly last year, Vladimir Putin called for “using the lessons of history to strengthen civil peace and not speculate on the tragedies of Russian history in their own political and other interests.
However, most likely, the government simply focuses on the public mood, which has greatly changed in the post-Soviet period. A recent survey of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences showed that almost a third of Russians (32%) were at a loss to assess the October revolution of 1917. Approximately another third (29%) noted that from the revolution "there was approximately equal benefit and harm."
Only 21% of respondents, as liberal sociologists say, “continue to live by Soviet myths”. This part of the respondents believes that the revolution has brought “more benefits” to the people. Their opponents were 19% of respondents who were convinced that there was “more harm” from the revolution.
A similar alignment is in assessing the very fact of the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. Positive to him are 30% of respondents, negatively - 35%. The rest find it difficult to answer. As sociologists noted, modern assessments do not proceed from the historical memory of generations, but from the practical knowledge of a person, which were influenced by schoolchildren, media, politics, etc., not deprived of subjectivity.
While Russia is arguing and quarreling when evaluating the October Revolution, its significance for the development of world civilization has long been recognized abroad. First of all, it concerns the enormous influence of the revolution in Russia on social policy in the countries of classical socialism. With less pleasure in the West, they say that the ideas of socialist equality have buried the world colonial system.
But they like to emphasize that the consequence of the October Revolution was the creation in the world of two antagonistic poles formed around the superpowers - the Soviet Union and the United States. One of these poles has become the center of evil, the other - the center of good. This extreme position has been gently formulated recently by the German historian Christiane Janeke.
Last Thursday in Berlin, as part of a series of monthly events at the Center for Eastern European and International Studies, Janeke took part in a panel discussion on the 1917 events of the year. The historian concluded that the October Revolution "was a key event of the twentieth century, because it led to the formation of the Soviet Union - the future superpower, which was one of the main reasons for the polarization of the world."
Such simplification has recently become a trend. It has a long-term desire of the West to infringe upon Russia, to belittle its importance for world civilization. At the discussion in Berlin, this was perfectly demonstrated by another historian, Jan Berends. He argued that the Russian revolution was the most important event of the twentieth century.
“If you look at the role China plays in the world now, assess its importance,” said Berends, “it is quite possible that the Chinese revolution was still more important than the Russian revolution in the 1917 year.” The historian forgot about the huge civilizational role of the USSR in the development of not only communist China, but also other Asian countries.
In these once backward regions, with the help of the Soviet Union, industry, health care, education, and science were rising. Berends preferred not to recall this. With the suggestion of the German scientist, Western historical thought has now received a new vector of development, which has good political prospects for it - to drive the Russian revolution into the shadow of the Chinese.
And what are we? It seems that in our hearts we still remain on different sides of the civil conflict of a century ago and are unable to evaluate it calmly and impartially, as a historical reality. For example, as Peter's reforms, the hard realities of which have already been erased in human memory. There remained a country equipped by Great Peter and pride in the affairs of the first Russian Emperor, whose heirs were never able to understand the scale and significance of the October revolution of 1917.