September 1917: "the tale of the lost time"
Historians consider the beginning of the new political season in Russia 1917 to be “intertemporal,” if only nobody would have regretted. Vladimir Lenin hid in Finland this summer, Leon Trotsky left prison in September and quickly began to score political points with eloquent speeches in the Pre-Parliament, Joseph Stalin hid and waited with other party comrades, not accepting Lenin’s idea of an urgent armed coup.
In August, the Bolsheviks crushed the Kornilov revolt, and in September it was difficult to conceal that the sympathies of the people had gone their way. Lenin anticipated social rebellion and urged him to lead, and only the head of the Provisional Government, the Februarylist Alexander Kerensky, did not want to change anything. "Wait for the Constituent Assembly," he repeated this phrase, like a mantra. And its ratings - if such fixed - tended to zero.
“After the Kornilov collapse, it became clear to everyone that something would happen. Nobody doubted this anymore. The only question was when it would be, what day? But that will be followed by no less, and even more serious events, in this everyone had a conviction, - says the doctor in an interview with Nakanune.RU historical Sciences Alexander Pyzhikov. - September - "lost time", passed in bickering, intrigue, clarification of relations, in the feeling that something is about to happen. This "something", no doubt, was connected with the Bolshevik Party, since after the Kornilov events the Bolshevik Party rose like a phoenix from the ashes — this statement is completely true. How did this happen? The party was in the "corral", the leaders were "outlawed", they were hiding or sitting in a Petrograd prison, and suddenly they come to the fore. This catalyst, this "suddenly" was the Kornilov revolt. "
In anticipation of the Constituent Assembly, the Kerensky 1 of September declares Russia a republic. The gesture is beautiful, but just as senseless, as if the captain of the ship going to the bottom gave him the official status of the ship. Naturally, Kerensky did not wait for an enthusiastic reaction (as I must say, the Constituent Assembly would not wait). His short-sightedness didn’t hide from either the neat Russian look or the “big brothers” - ambassadors of the Entente countries. Once these foreign gentlemen, in order to prevent Nicholas II from escaping the war, who was not going to leave it, sponsored the February coup. And now they were in the same situation with Kerensky - it was first of all important for the allies that Russia continue to fight, but on the front things were worse than ever: the Germans occupied Riga, and our soldiers left weapon, refused to fight and went home - to divide the land. The leader of this farce practiced verbiage at some pre-parliamentary meetings inspired by the romance of post-revolutionary France.
The fear that their protege does not reflect reality has settled in the hearts of Western diplomats, entangled in democratic talkers, meetings, debates and discussions. At this time, Kerensky, having already banished Nikolai Romanov and his family in August, deep into Siberia, puzzled what to do with Kornilov, who was deprived of his powers. And on September 22-23, the head of the "temporary builders" formed the last IV composition of this government, which very much resembled the composition of the first Moscow cabinet of ministers as it was under the tsar. Deja vu foreign investors intensified.
The commander-in-chief of the great republic was called "on the carpet" by the ambassadors of England and France.
"It was an absolutely incapable government, and 26 September, literally three days after its formation, the ambassadors of the Allied countries of the Entente asked for the meeting. On behalf of the ambassadors, Buchanan spoke, he spoke to Kerensky as no one spoke to him, he spoke with him, as with a guilty boy who nazilil. Unless the ruler on the back of the head did not hit. He began to lecture Kerensky, they say, what are you aware of what you are doing here? So much money was spent on you, so much English-French help and Our peoples — English and French — are interested in, but where did the money go? How did you manage it? Why did you give money to these naughty people who are not able to control public administration and maintain order. Kerensky was furious, he did not know what to do " - says Alexander Pyzhikov, Doctor of Historical Sciences, in an interview with Nakanune.RU.
Kerensky burned and was indignant, he immediately ran to call the American Ambassador Francis - now the only, as he believed, faithful man. Kerensky wanted to express his gratitude for the fact that Francis did not participate in this shameful drag. All the love of the “chief temporary worker” from now on goes to only one, the most faithful ally - this is the United States (where he will later escape from the Winter Palace). And here history repeated itself again - the Provisional Government quarreled with the Entente, as the tsarist regime had done in its time.
The tsarist government of the autumn of 1916, the winter of 1917, also headed for America — then wide gestures were made, permissions were given to open banks in our country, and railroad concessions: to Moscow and Donetsk — everything was for Americans only. It was assumed that cooperation should be very stormy, it would seem, this was prevented by the February events. But with what they started, and so finished, now the top of the Social Revolutionaries in the Provisional Government, taken by the States under the auspices, showed a turn to the United States. This also confirms that the “Februaryists” did not succeed in changing the course of history, they turned out to be only a pale reflection of what they set about to fight.
And the "temporary worker" was the same, and, perhaps, even more divorced from reality: and reality gathered strength to come in October. The whole history of September, like the Provisional Government, is a tale of lost time.
“There will be reprisals with the possessing classes, as Lenin called them, this is not to be avoided. The question is who will lead all this. What Kerensky wouldn’t hold the situation was clear to himself, especially after the democratic conference, where he was laughed at and they booed him. This has never happened before. And this is why the Bolsheviks held out, did not disappear anywhere - the Bolsheviks felt the quick wave of the social revolution and considered it necessary to ride this wave. ”That’s why they went upstairs”, says Alexander Pyzhikov.
Just like Nikolai in his time, Kerensky was sure that if unrest began, he would be able to crush the revolution, because he has military units loyal to him. The boomerang of history flew to the back of the head, hopes turned out to be illusions - the highest officers did not forgive Kerensky Kornilov and ceased to be loyal, and the soldiers considered him himself a Kornilovist, and, in their opinion, he did not deserve trust. At the very beginning of September, elections to the Petrograd Soviet took place, only half of the members of the executive committee were present at the meeting, but they all voted for Kamenev’s resolution not to trust the bourgeois parties, he offered to give all power to the socialist forces, which he agreed for the first time in history. When the bourgeois parties woke up, came to their senses, they considered the results of the vote to be wrong, announced that it was a technical failure. At the same time, a new member appeared in the Bolshevik camp of September 9 - Lev Davidovich Trotsky. He got out of prison and immediately plunged into the maelstrom of political battles, winning sympathy with his well-hung tongue.
"Put to the vote [in the Petrosoviet] the question of trusting the executive committee — that is, to themselves, once such a“ strange ”result came out. But Trotsky showed such energy, delivered such a speech already at full assembly - here there was a quorum, and just wanting to listen, "he delivered one of the best eloquence speeches, outweighed even Kerensky, as his contemporaries said. He pointed out theatrically to Chkheidze and Dan, said, look at them, look between them. Chkheidze and Dan started, they sat side by side, everyone started watch what's in between And Trotsky continued - among them the shadow of Kerensky "Kerensky shadow -. It is a shadow of compromise, which completely covers Chkheidze and Dan are all accomplices and henchmen of the bourgeoisie - the same as Kerensky, Kerensky's followers policy. And we are here to stop this policy once and for all and throw all these compromisers out of the councils with a knee in the ass. ”As a result, the vote was not even a show of hands, but who were“ for ”approached one table, who was“ against ” The Bolsheviks were supported, moreover, Trotsky was elected chairman of the council, everything became clear from September 9 - that the Bolsheviks won here, they won in Moscow, in the Moscow Council, "says the historian Alexander Pyzhikov.
But what to do next - here opinions are divided. Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov were “cautious,” the idea was to organize a socialist government with other socialist parties, while Trotsky fully supported Lenin and believed that it was necessary to prepare for an armed uprising.
“Trotsky was supported here by a group of young people, left-wing, radically-minded young people, among whom Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin stood out. Strictly speaking, these forces — Lenin, Trotsky, and the youth led by Bukharin — these were the forces that pushed through the decision about an armed uprising, and , in fact, conducted it, "- says the historian Alexander Pyzhikov in an interview with Nakanune.RU.
While at the highest levels they were pushing speeches and listening to ambassadors, the Bolsheviks decided to carry out their march to power.
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