The main sovparteyateli became the victims of the Khrushchev repressions. Those who disagreed with the head of the USSR, primarily regarding the Stalinist heritage and the break with China, were removed from their posts, expelled from the CPSU, exiled.
What is characteristic is that after the resignation of Khrushchev, organized by his creatures, the disgraced figures were not restored to their previous posts. It seems that the Brezhnev entourage was also wary of reputable party members, believing that they would come to the fore again.
The Last of the Mohicans
One of the most prominent among those who fell into Khrushchev's disfavor is Nuritdin Mukhitdinov. A native of the village near Tashkent, he was secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Council of the Council of Nationalities of the USSR Supreme Soviet; earlier - the head of the Council of Ministers and the head of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan. And before these posts he headed the Tashkent Regional Committee.
Mukhitdinov noted in 80-x that his relationship with Khrushchev and his entourage deteriorated from 1957 year as their destructive acts in domestic and foreign policy. He himself preferred to abstain from voting in the Central Committee in support of the relevant decisions. It did not go unnoticed.
Mukhitdinov asked Khrushchev to send him to an international meeting of the communist parties in Bucharest (1960 in June) to try to settle differences with the communist parties of China, Albania and other countries on the issue of Stalin. But the first secretary drove himself, made offensive attacks on Beijing and Tirana. In Bucharest, Khrushchev advised Romanian communists to think carefully and take into account not only Moscow’s position, but Tito’s position on this issue before supporting China and Albania. All this aggravated the split in the world communist and national liberation movement.
In November - mid-December 1961, Mukhitdinov was deprived of all his posts and was soon expelled from the CPSU Central Committee. He paid for a categorical rejection of the speech proposed by Khrushchev at the XXII Party Congress in support of the removal of Stalin’s sarcophagus from the Mausoleum. Mukhitdinov replied: “The peoples and communists of Central Asia will not accept this decision badly, since we have to disturb the peace of the deceased is considered a great sin. And then, how much can you humiliate Stalin and the Stalin period? This is our common история - the history of struggle, mistakes, but most importantly - the victories of universal importance. We take into account the position of China on this issue. "
Nuritdin Akramovich Mukhitdinov - holder of many military orders and medals, participated in the liberation campaign of the Red Army in Western Ukraine in September 1939, in the defense of Rostov-on-Don and Stalingrad. In the city on the Volga was seriously wounded. In 1943-m received the rank of colonel. But these merits were “forgotten” by the Khrushchev leadership. At the end of 1962, Mukhitdinov was removed from the Central Committee and appointed deputy chairman of the Tsentrosoyuz Board. It was essentially a cruel humiliation for an authoritative figure. But he withstood the blow and, moreover, achieved the implementation of his proposals to increase the role of consumer cooperation in providing food and small agricultural supplies to remote areas of the Union republics. For which, after the resignation of Khrushchev, he was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honor on the eve of November 7 1965.
Later Mukhitdinova raised. In 1966 – 1968, he was the first deputy chairman of the State Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries at the Council of Ministers of the USSR, and from 1968 to 1977 - the ambassador to Syria. Hafez Asad, in meetings with Soviet government delegations in Damascus and Moscow, has always noted extraordinary erudition, diplomatic talent and high culture of Mukhitdinov. The ambassador refused to evacuate Damascus during the autumn war of 1973 with Israel, moreover, he went to the front line. According to the author, in 1973 – 1975, Mukhitdinov was a mediator in the negotiations on the normalization of Damascus relations with Baghdad. And with 1974, Iraq began to provide military technical assistance to Syria.
The political weight of Mukhitdinov was close to the previous level, it was supported by Kosygin, the head of the USSR Council of Ministers. But the aging Brezhnev and other members of the politburo did not want the return of Stalin's nominees for their previous roles. In 1977, Mukhitdinov was again lowered, appointing him deputy chairman of the board of the USSR Chamber of Commerce and Industry. 11 March 1985, two days before Chernenko’s funeral, the veteran was awarded the Order of the Patriotic War of the 2 degree and, since April of the same year, retired at the union level. In December, 1987, at the insistence of the leadership of the Uzbek SSR, Mukhitdinov was awarded the Order of the October Revolution. And then he moved to Tashkent, where his thorny path to heights and opals began. Mukhitdinov worked as an adviser to the government of the Uzbek SSR, then headed the Society for the Protection of Historical and Cultural Monuments. He died in Tashkent at the end of August 2008, rightfully called "the last of the Stalinist Mohicans." Mukhitdinov survived all his comrades who had undergone repressions from Khrushchev.
The staunch economist
One of those with whom Khrushchev dealt a hard blow was Dmitry Shepilov, an outstanding Soviet politician and economist. In 1957, he was officially named as an adherent to the anti-Party group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich. The word "who joined" perpetuated the name of Shepilov in folk art.
In 1926, at the age of 21, he graduated with honors from the Law Faculty of Moscow State University. Lomonosov and the agricultural and economic faculty of the Institute of Red Professors. Since the end of 20-x published articles on intra-and inter-sectoral planning, inter-regional economic relations in Eastern Siberia and the Urals, defending the need for the development of processing industries in the field, calling to take into account the local economic potential. These problems, we note, are still relevant. Shepilov also suggested analyzing the importing needs of neighboring countries in order to cover them, if possible, by producing necessary goods in the border regions of the Soviet Union. The latter was taken into account when providing economic assistance to Afghanistan, Iran, China, Mongolia, Tuva in 30 – 50-ies, as well as for the development of Soviet trade with Poland and the Baltic states in the pre-war period. And today, an increasing volume of goods imported by the ex-USSR republics from Russia is produced in the regions of the Russian Federation neighboring these countries.
Since 1934, Shepilov has been working at the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, receiving the title of professor. C 1935-th - in the department of science of the Central Committee of the party. From 1938 to June 1941 - Scientific Secretary of the Institute of Economics of the USSR AS.
As Professor Shepilov had a reservation, but in the first days of the war he enrolled as a volunteer in the Moscow militia. In the five years of the army, there is a phenomenal way from a private to a major general and political department chief of the 4 Guards Army. Receives many combat awards.
Stalin was able to appreciate those who were not afraid to defend their opinions and, like Zhukov, “endured a look.” Dmitry Trofimovich was one of those. In 1946 – 1947, Shepilov is the editor of the propaganda department of the Pravda newspaper, from 1952 is the chief editor of the country's first newspaper. In 1953, he was elected a corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The economic discussions of 1949 – 1950 and 1951 – 1952 initiated by Stalin were prepared and held with the participation of Shepilov, who was one of the leaders of the organizing committees of these forums.
Their most important task was to identify ways to gradually reform the planning and management system. In particular, proposals were made to “untie” the ruble from the dollar, reduce the number of mandatory targets, expand the financial and economic independence of enterprises, and facilitate their foreign trade activities. And even limit the intervention of party committees in the economy.
The innovations of that time in Soviet economic practice became the prototype of the well-known "Kosygin" reforms of the 60-s. But in the spring of 1953, these undertakings were curtailed. According to analysts, the nomenclature has prevented the development of economic and management reforms, fearing for their posts and “food and property welfare.”
Chinese researcher Ma Hong noted: “Since Stalin, in his latest book, The Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, 1952, indicated that he had no objection to Shepilov’s remarks on the draft textbook on political economy, it was expected that Shepilov would become the actual leader of Soviet economic policy and would oversee economic science in the USSR. But later he began to object increasingly to the new leadership of the country. Criticizing, for example, the methods of developing virgin lands, the sale to collective farms of machine-tractor stations, which turned the first into chronic debtors of the state; widespread maize planting, pricing policies, monetary reform of the year 1961.
Later, Shepilov spoke out against increasing the export of Soviet raw materials, fearing that the USSR would thereby become a resource colony of the West. He believed that objective criticism and correction of the mistakes of the “personality cult” should not be replaced by Stalin’s indiscriminate defamation, because it only demoralizes Soviet society and leads to a split between the socialist countries and the Communist parties. Forecasts, alas, were justified.
Shepilov expounded his opinion in detail at the plenum of the Central Committee of the party in June 1957, accusing Khrushchev of establishing his own "personality cult." And in fact, he supported Molotov, Malenkov, Bulganin, other members of the Presidium of the Central Committee, who spoke for the resignation of the first secretary. But they were clearly late with his shift, for he managed to win the support of the majority of the members of the Central Committee, whose membership since March 1953 has been updated by more than 70 percent.
The consequences of political defeat were not long in coming. Shepilov held important posts: Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, candidate member of the Presidium of the Central Committee and Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was relieved of all party and government posts. In July 1957, he was appointed Director of the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences of the Kirghiz SSR. But soon, having recollected themselves, they lowered them to the deputy director.
Under the leadership of Shepilov, the Institute developed a long-term inter-sectoral balance for all the republics of Central Asia. The document noted that the distortions in the regional economy, which began at the end of the 50-ies, and its focus on primary industries (especially cotton growing) will lead to increased subsidies from the center, increased socio-political, interethnic tensions, and further political consequences. The region’s exit from the control of the leadership of the USSR and all-Union structures is likely. The danger of anti-scientific, harmful methods of using waters and fish resources of both Lake Balkhash, the Aral Sea, and the rivers flowing into these basins (Ili, Syrdarya, Amudarya) was noted. These forecasts also came true.
It seems that these studies were the last straw that broke the patience of the “Khrushchev upper circles”. In 1959, Shepilov was deprived of the title of corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences, removed from his post as deputy director of the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences of Kyrgyzstan, and in April 1962 was expelled from the party.
Then followed nearly two decades of actual oblivion. Although, according to some data, members of the Brezhnev politburo Kosygin, Katushev, Mazurov, Masherov, Kulakov proposed to return Shepilov at least in economics, for example, to the post of director of a scientific research institute under the Academy of Sciences, Council of Ministers or the USSR State Planning Committee. But the publication of some of his economic works in China, Yugoslavia and Romania alarmed the conservative wing of the leadership of the USSR. Shepilov was reinstated in the party only in March of 1976, and, with the rank of corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences, after another 15 years, in March of 1991.
The authority and professionalism of the economist feared both in the leadership of the country and in ideological and scientific-economic circles close to the Kremlin. Therefore, after being restored to the CPSU, he was not returned to either the Central Committee or other leading structures. From the autumn of 1960 to the autumn of 1982, he worked only as an archeographer at the Main Archival Administration of the Union Council of Ministers.
Even after being restored to the party, Shepilova was denied publication in Soviet economic journals. His requests for a meeting with Brezhnev, Kosygin, Baibakov, ministers of the government of the USSR and union republics were rejected. It is known that Shepilov sent Chernenko and Gorbachev his views on reforming the Soviet economic and managerial system, based on economic discussions of the end of 40-x, the beginning of 50-x and Kosygin reforms. But the first one didn’t have time to get into these proposals, and the authorities didn’t care about the Shepilov initiatives.
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